Albertus Perk - Diary of 1813-1814 - Part 2

This translation of Albertus Perk's diary has been kindly provided by Bas de Groot, who has

translated and edited it from the original manuscript preserved with the Regionaal Archief Gooi en Vechtstreek (http://gooienvechthistorisch.nl/). To read Part 1, click here

Wednesday 1 December. All day long the situation was the same as yesterday. Around 8 o’clock at night some 80 Cossacks passed through here from Eemnes to Nieuwersluis. They told us they would be followed by infantry. Around 11.30 the guns of Naarden fired intensely.

Albertus Perk later in his life

Thursday 2 December. Today the Cossacks who had passed through here yesterday, returned again to Eemnes. In the afternoon we received reliable information that Muiden had been freed. Its garrison of 400 men has been taken prisoner, and the Russians and soldiers from Amsterdam are now approaching Naarden from that side. This sets our minds a little more at ease, and we have less fear for further attacks from Naarden. The Prince of Orange has arrived in The Hague.

Friday 3 December. During breakfast we noted that people were busy hanging out a large flag on the church tower. It took them until noon, but then it was flying creditably. In the meantime the church bell was tolling and every supporter of the Prince donned the orange and assembled on the Church square (Kerkbrink), and cheered the goings-on. At one o’clock the Maire, wearing the orange cockade, made a proclamation in the name of the provisional town council, encouraging everyone to wear orange decorations, but to remain calm. Deep into the night the citizens sang and danced by the roadside, but no property was damaged, nor people maltreated. In the evening we heard that the Prince had arrived in Amsterdam, and that he had been declared our Sovereign ruler. There is a steady correspondence with the commandant of Naarden, which increases our hopes of a peaceful capitulation. During the night a large body of Prussian cavalry moved through ‘s Graveland. A note by my uncle Krijn from Eemnes told us that nearly 1000 Cossacks had made camp there, and in the surrounding area even more.

Saturday 4 December. During this last week a lot more has happened than we had dared to hope eight days ago. All of it extra encouragement for us not to give up hope. The arrival of the Prince of Orange, the well-founded hope of help from England, the approach of Russian and Prussian troops, the retreat of the French from Utrecht, Loenen, Dordrecht, etc, are all circumstances which have changed the state of our fatherland for the better ever since Saturday last. Yet, although we are comforted by all of this, in reality the circumstances for our village, so close to Naarden, filled to the brim with plunder-minded French soldiers, haven’t improved very much. In fact, the tale of today will show that it has been one of the, if not the, most troubled day that we have been through during this time of revolution. Very early in the morning we noticed that all of our Cossacks had left. We grew a little concerned over this, but our steady hope of the arrival of other troops soothed our fears. Then, a little after noon, and well before any troops had arrived, a rumour reached us that Bussum was being plundered by the French again, and that this time they had a mind to come to Hilversum. Indeed, like the first time Bussum was plundered, some heads of cattle could be seen being driven away from that place. The Maire, myself and some others climbed the church tower, but could not discern the cattle. Two persons remained on the tower as watchmen, to ring the bell if necessary, and we descended again. When we arrived at the local courtroom, we found a large multitude gathered there, which confirmed the rumours, and also mentioned with great certainty in their voices that Eemnes was being plundered as well, and that there were no Cossacks in Laren. Immediately, the bell was rung and all citizens were called upon to arm themselves as best as they could and gather on the church square (Kerkbrink). Within minutes almost all of the Hilversum men returned to the Kerkbrink and the Groest, bringing rifles, pistols, swords, sabres, pikes, knifes attached to long poles, pitchforks, spades, axes, even clubs and cudgels. Around forty of the armed farmers were mounted on horses. A messenger was immediately despatched to Uitermeer, and two to Utrecht, all mounted, to ask for military aid. The rest of the riders were detached towards Bussum and the moors in order to be able to warn us of any events, whilst the men on foot remained gathered in the town to await further information and act accordingly. While this was going on, many of the women and children fled to surrounding villages, carrying baggage with them. More than 300 pieces of cattle were driven from the village as fast as they could walk. At the local courtroom people were busy making up and filling cartridges and checking the muskets, and everyone was ready to resist any French attempt on the village, but as we didn’t have enough weapons and were not very well-organised, one could easily imagine the outcome of any serious contest: we would lose the fight, and murder, plundering and devastation would become our share. And even if we were to succeed, it would still cost many civilian lives. No wonder, then, that we were indeed very anxious and scared, especially when the messenger who had been sent to Uitermeer returned with the news that the French advance guard was already at the farm of C. Van Ek, no more than a quarter of an hour’s walk (In Dutch, an hour’s walk equalled a distance of roughly 3 miles or 5 kilometres, BdG) from the town. Just now, when alarm and fear were spreading rapidly, the reassuring tiding came that it was just a false alarm. It turned out that the people in Bussum had seen some deserters from Naarden approaching, and, fearful of a French plundering expedition, had started driving away their cattle, which had started the rumour. The same deserters were then seen near the farm of Mr Van Ek. Upon confirmation of the true turn of events, all armed civilians on foot were temporarily dismissed, whilst the mounted men continued their patrols across the moors and towards the surrounding villages. Everyone regained their composure, and many of those who had fled now returned. A great number of people from Loosdrecht, armed and with their vicar at their head, had been marching to our aid, as rumours had spread, even as far as Utrecht, that Hilversum was being plundered, and its population murdered. They were thanked for their efforts and returned to their village. In the afternoon there was another rumour, this time that Eemnes was being plundered, but it turned out to be false, and was started because of the same deserters that had been wandering around our town that morning. Later that afternoon the deserters were arrested and brought in by our riders, six or seven of them. They were treated like spies. Amongst them was a deserted Spaniard from Naarden. Our riders continued their patrols throughout the day. Two pickets of Cossacks arrived to patrol as well, one of which was very unruly, but to our regret they left again. The messengers that we had sent to Utrecht returned with the promise that 100 Hussars would follow them shortly, but they never did, and as night fell we remained troubled and anxious, even though guard posts had been set up, and horses and riders were kept in readiness in Bussum to come and warn us should anything happen. Early in the morning, two of our Council members will go to Utrecht to ask for military troops to be stationed in our town. A few memorable moments of today were the following: when we thought danger was at its nearest this morning, Mr M. De L., who been called upon to arm himself, fell into a swoon from fear. The Roman Catholic Priest fled to Hoornbroek, but the new Receiver of Revenue armed himself with a pitchfork.

Sunday 5 December.   This morning at nine o’clock 4 Prussian Uhlans arrived here, to our great joy and relief. Surrounding villages also had cavalry quartered in them, so that we are now much more at our ease. In the afternoon the Church service was held. According to the Almanac and the French law, the coronation of the Emperor and the anniversary of the Battle of Austerlitz were to be celebrated today, but the vicar prayed that his power were to be crushed utterly. Everyone was wearing as many orange decorations as he or she could, and in the evening a number of songs, ridiculing and mocking the Emperor were sung along the streets. What a complete, never expected, speedy and joyous turn of events! How little should we trust the earthly powers that be, when one sees what events can take place in such a short amount of time, and that were held to be impossible!

Monday 6 December. Our Prussians, who conduct themselves admirably, much better than the Cossacks, are to remain with us. Today nothing much happened, apart from 80 Cossacks passing through here, coming from Baarn and going to Amsterdam. We heard that Gorinchem had been evacuated by the French, and their impotence is growing more and more visible. Many of our Dutchmen are acting in a noble manner, worthy of their heritage. It is only to be hoped that the martial spirit will continue to grow, so that everyone will show himself able and willing to defend and liberate the fatherland, even at the cost of his blood and his property.

Tuesday 7 December. At 10 o’clock in the morning I left Hilversum for Amsterdam. Just after I had left the alarm was sounded, and our Prussians marched towards Naarden, as tidings had reached them that the French were making a sortie. By the time our troops arrived, the French had already set a number of houses on fire (in order to clear their line of fire from Naarden, BdG), including the inn of Jan Tabak, and had retired towards the fortress. A few more Prussian cavalrymen arrived again today.

Wednesday 8 December. Around 8 o’clock at night I returned home with the trekschuit, without having seen or heard anything or particular interest. At Diemerbrug, Weesp, Uitermeer and Ankeveen, Cossacks were now stationed. Just before we arrived home, 1400 Prussian troops with 3 cannon had entered Hilversum. Major Pfuhl, who commanded them, was an excellent and friendly man, and he was lodged at our house.

Thursday 9 December. At eight o’clock in the morning all the Prussians here, cavalry, artillery and infantry, were ready to move out, and left in the direction of Naarden. Near Bussum the column halted, and fired their artillery a few times, but the envoy that was sent out to the town wasn’t allowed in. The troops then faced about and returned from whence they had come, and around noon they marched through our village, and straight on to Utrecht, only the cavalry remaining. Our Major told us that General Bulow at Utrecht had only sent this corps to see if the Commandant of Naarden, who was said to have once been a prisoner of the Russians, and hadn’t been exchanged properly, would have preferred to surrender to Prussian troops. It was also hoped that when a large number of troops were to be seen approaching Naarden, the Dutch and Germans of the garrison would start to desert, or even mutiny. But as this plan had failed, the Prussians had orders to rejoin their Corps, in order to penetrate deeper into Belgium and France proper. We were told that the Allies had crossed the Rhine at Mannheim, and that Bayonne had been taken by the British, which renewed our courage greatly.

Friday 10 December. Around two o’clock in the afternoon, nearly 1000 Cossacks entered the village, completely unexpected. They rested a while on the Groest (village square, BdG), but soon thereafter continued in the direction of Weesp. A little later 400 more arrived, and it looks like they are staying, although some people told us they were to continue northwards tomorrow. Right now they are lying down, sleeping around twenty large fires. All their horses are near them, tied to the trees around the square. We are constantly expecting infantry and artillery to lay siege to Naarden. It is not clear to us why there are so many Cossacks passing through here towards Weesp, as they can be of little use in a siege. It appears to us that they were at Gorinchem, but could do no more there, and so are being ordered around.

Saturday 11 December. Instead of leaving, the Cossacks are making every impression of staying longer. They requisitioned hay, oats, bread etc at ‘s Graveland and Loosdrecht, so that all of our carts and wagons had to ride to those places to receive the requisitioned goods. At nine o’clock in the morning we received the message that the French were coming out of Naarden. The Uhlans and around 100 Cossacks rode to Bussum. From our church tower we saw fires being started in two places, and heard musket fire throughout the afternoon. Around two o’clock in the afternoon the French withdrew, nine German and two Dutch Douanes who had deserted were brought in. They told us they thought the garrison to be 1200 men strong. By the evening, all our wagons and carts returned, heavily laden, and delivered all goods to the Cossack gentlemen. One of the cows that had come in was instantly slaughtered and divided. How many more Saturdays will pass like this before Naarden has surrendered, and we will be relieved from fear, and the care for so many? Then again: we have seen these last few days that in a week’s time a lot can happen, and so we remain hopeful and courageous.

Sunday 12 December. The Cossacks have remained , and all day it has stayed quiet. In the evening we got word that 600 Dutch troops had arrived at ‘s Graveland.

Monday 13 December. The Cossacks are still camping on the Groest, only a few have left. The people who live around the square are being constantly harassed and discomfited. Some have withdrawn into the smallest room in their house, leaving the rest of the house at the mercy of the Russians. Others are having to feed 20 to 30 Cossacks daily, and provide them with drink. They appear to be good and friendly people, they do not insult people, and do not hinder anyone within their own homes, but nevertheless their stay is becoming expensive and bothersome. It appears more Dutchmen will be arriving at ‘s Graveland to completely surround and cut off Naarden, and some have already marched for Crailoo (Crow’s Forest, an area of moors between Hilversum and Bussum, BdG) and Bussum. This evening a captured French Douanier from Naarden was brought in and taken to Weesp.

Tuesday 14 December. Early in the morning we heard cannon and musket fire from the direction of Naarden. At 11 o’clock I went with some others to the low hills that are situated towards Bussum. We approached Naarden to a distance of a quarter of an hour’s walk (In Dutch, an hour’s walk equalled a distance of roughly 3 miles or 5 kilometres, so Perk was around a kilometre away from Naarden, BdG), and could see the soldiers on the walls, busily firing in the direction of Muiden, Ankeveen and Crailoo. All the Dutch troops that were at ‘s Graveland have taken up positions towards Naarden, and are marching to and fro. Most of our Cossacks and Uhlans are at Bussum. Early in the morning, the Dutch troops have taken the redoubt at Karnemelksloot (Buttermilk Ditch, BdG). People are telling us that batteries and gun platforms are being erected, so that we are in high hopes of Naarden being assaulted soon.

Wednesday 15 December. There have been a few discharges of cannon and muskets, but otherwise nothing noteworthy happened today.

Thursday 16 December. At the break of dawn the Prussian Uhlans left for Utrecht. The Cossacks are still camped out here, but their numbers have diminished somewhat. Again there has been some fire of cannon and muskets, but otherwise nothing much happened today. It is said that Naarden will be laid under artillery fire tonight, but people do talk so much, and so much of it is mere rumour, that we can believe nothing, and must doubt everything we hear , no matter how certain the speaker is of what he says. If my memory serves me right, I will write down here a sample of all the rumours that I have heard today alone. Time alone will tell which of these rumours were actually true. It was stated and ascertained that: the battery at the Karnemelksloot was taken by Dutch troops, and that they had taken all 12 pieces of artillery that were in it; Ditto, only 6 pieces of artillery; Ditto and 3 pieces of artillery; Ditto and not a single piece of artillery taken; that the battery was left by the Dutch again yesterday, and was retaken by the French; that there is great lack of everything within Naarden; that the French in Naarden are well-provisioned; that everyone is free to leave Naarden if they wish, provided they don’t take anything outside of the fortress; that absolutely nobody is allowed to leave Naarden; that the Commandant and the garrison would be more than happy to surrender if their lives were to be spared; that they are not contemplating surrender at all; that this afternoon a skirmish had taken place at Bussum, and that 40 Dutch troops had been killed or wounded; that none had been killed and only two wounded; that 3 Dutch soldiers were taken captive by the French, and had been murdered; that the French had taken a Cossack captive two days ago; that two Cossacks were captured; that the captured Cossack was being treated very badly; that the captive Cossack had been set upon by the French like a pack of lions, and that they had torn him apart; that they had skinned him alive; that the Dutch had been disarmed and been put in the church as captives; that the General had resigned his command; that today horses had been pressed into service at Loosdrecht to transport cannon to Naarden; that howitzers and mortars had been placed at Crailoo near Naarden, according to some even as close as the long bridge of the outer fortifications; that Gorinchem was taken by assault last Monday at 3 o’clock; that Antwerp had switched sides; etcetera etcetera. So many old wives’ tales, the first even more officious than the next, all contradicting each other, make us wonder what to believe as truth. Everything that is happening around Naarden, even as much as an hour’s distance, we can only verify through the official newspapers, coming from Amsterdam, taking a detour of at least nine hours.

Friday 17 December. Nothing happened today. Apart from the fact that the Cossacks are still camping here and are costing us a lot of money, nothing is being done about Naarden. When that dreadful place will finally be taken care of, only Heaven knows, but at the moment nothing seems to be happening. The Amsterdam and Haarlem Courants (newspapers) may well state that 2000 Prussians with artillery have arrived, but as we haven’t seen a single one of them yet, they can’t be much help. The battery at Karnemelksloot was taken by the Dutch troops last Tuesday, but without any guns in it. In the evening they left it, but today they have again taken possession of it. At ‘s Graveland there are 20 Cossacks, 40 men of the Amsterdam Mounted Paid Guard (Bezoldigde Garde te Paard, this was a kind of mounted police that had been raised a few years earlier. It wore similar uniforms to the French Garde National and was paid for by the Amsterdam Municipal Council, BdG) and 100 newly enlisted troops. At the gun batteries in Bussum and at Crailoo there are 6 to 700 Dutch troops with 2 cannon, and at Laren and Huizen there are a few Cossacks. Yesterday 12 Dutchmen were injured.  

Saturday 18 December. Again nothing much happened today. The Cossacks had a big party and have been very merry and jolly all day. This last week, the number of troops surrounding Naarden has grown, and last Tuesday a true siege appeared to be starting, but since then so little has happened that it cannot be said that Naarden’s surrender seems anymore likely now than it did 8 days ago. How we wish things will be altered in another week’s time! The Commandant of Naarden is Quetard de la Porte. Towards Flanders, the Allies are advancing rapidly, and large parts of our country have been liberated, but to our regrets nothing has been heard so far about the advance of the main Allied army across the Rhine, or the arrival of Blucher and Bernadotte with their armies.

Sunday 19 December. It has been as quiet as the last few days today, with only four or five shots from the artillery. We have some hopes that the Cossacks will leave soon. A number of our men have been pressed to work on siege works close to Naarden.

Monday 20 December. Nothing to report. Again. The pressed men have thrown up three small fieldworks between the gate at Naarden and the inn of Jan Tabak. They weren’t allowed to speak or even cough, on pain of severe punishment. It is said that the Cossacks will leave tomorrow.

Tuesday 21 December.  Before non some shots had already been fired. At ‘s Graveland two barracks are being erected. At 9.30 in the morning, all citizens under 60 were requested to be present at the local court, armed. A large number of them did in fact appear, carrying weapons of all sorts. The officer of the Amsterdam Mounted Paid Guard, who were stationed at ‘s Graveland, had arrived in our town, and in a somewhat stunted speech tried to make clear to us that all our people able to bear arms were to be called upon to fight, together with all the other people of the Gooi region, and all the military troops stationed there, when the French were to make a sortie from Naarden. To this end, the Landstorm was to be organised. After this speech, everyone returned home. The old saying in these regions goes: If you cry often enough that Easter is near, it will eventually be. And this has now come to pass. To our great joy, it was an often repeated tale that the Cossacks would soon be leaving, especially when a number of them arrived from Weesp. As these men departed for Bussum i as soon as they’d arrived here, our hopes were dashed, but at one o’clock my brother-in-law Vlaanderen got an order that he was to deliver a man and a horse to the Groest square immediately. I received permission to be the man, and rode the horse to the Groest square as fast as I could, where I met Mr Sikkema, who was to be my travel companion, along with three farmers and their carts, and we received orders from the commander that we were to leave for Amersfoort. We assumed that we were to leave immediately, but no, instead of 1.30 in the afternoon it became 4.30 before we finally left, as a number of patrols still had to come in. After some dreadful boredom, we now had the pleasure of leaving the town at the head of 400 Cossacks, being waved goodbye by almost all inhabitants of the village. I hoped that Sikkema and I, the two guides, were to remain together, but just after we had left our town, I was ordered forward with some ten Cossacks to be the advance guard of the column, whilst my companion remained with the main part of the Regiment. This made me more than a little nervous. As soon as we had reached the Lage Vuursche, it began to become dark. I wasn’t sure about which road to follow, but I was sure that I was surrounded by a bunch of Cossacks who would more than likely maltreat me if I got lost, and who were very merry but also very unpredictable and slightly dangerous pranksters. One of them already seemed very interested in obtaining my horse, and was pointing at it and speaking to his friends about it. But as I could do little to change the state of things, I tried not to worry, and my worries were further lessened when the sergeant in command gave the most unruly trooper of the bunch a damn good thrashing, which I enjoyed immensely. When we rode into Soestdijk, the whole troop, including myself, was singing. Having arrived at Soestdijk, I tried my best to procure a new guide to take my place, but my efforts were in vain, and we had to move on. When next we arrived at Soest, I was very near to becoming lost in the darkness. We pressed to farmers to accompany us, and by their help and good fortune we stayed on the right road, and arrived at Amersfoort around seven o’clock in the evening. Here I waited for my companion to arrive with the rest of the Regiment. But still our wanderings weren’t over: we had to accompany the Cossacks to their camp outside the gates. Then, finally, we were given permission to leave, and we returned to Amersfoort. At the City Hall, I tried my best to get a ration ticket in order to eat and drink something, but to no avail. After having fed our horses, we got into the saddle again at 8.30 and arrived home around 11 at night, amidst our joyful family, who had no idea where I was at that time. There had been a new moon that night, but the weather had been favourable.

Wednesday 22 December. Early in the morning we heard gunfire. Around 10 o’clock J. van R., G. Van R., G.D. and I left to see what was going on. Near Trompenberg we heard gunfire so fast and vivid as we hadn’t heard before. At Bussum and Crailoo we saw herds of cattle being driven from the area. We moved on and arrived at the entrance of Bussum, where we found some infirm people and women hiding behind some stacks of wood. We wanted to enter the village, but as the villagers were being pressed to carry the wounded and injured to safety, we thought the better of it and skirted the village to the side of the hill where we had been last week. We listened to the gunfire for half an hour until it started to slacken, then decided it was safe to enter the village, and went tom eet Mr Hoogbruin there. He told us the French had been out in force and had marched on Bussum, but the Dutch troops and the Cossacks had made a stand at the Swan inn (‘t Zwaantje, BdG), and the French had been forced to retreat. Across from the baker’s shop three Dutchmen had been killed by grapeshot fired from the cannon on the walls of Naarden, just moments before we’d arrived. We saw them lying there, they had been hit in a nasty and ugly way. They were lying in pools of their own blood, and I picked up one of the grapeshot bullets that had hit them. Two Cossacks have been killed, as well as one of their horses, and a horse of the Amsterdam Mounted Paid Guard. There is talk of a number of injured and wounded. Three persons in Dutch service have defected to the French and have returned with them to Naarden. One dead Frenchman was found, but all of their wounded they have taken with them back to Naarden. At two o’clock in the afternoon we arrived back home and found around twenty Russian wagons, with accompanying Russian guards, who are to spend the night here.

Thursday 23 December. The Russian wagons have left for Amsterdam. In the afternoon some 20 Cossacks arrived here. The attack of the French on Breda, and their forces in Antwerp make us a little uneasy, and we are anxiously awaiting further news.

Friday 24 December. The annoying Cossacks have left again. A man from Hilversum named Dirk de Boer made his escape from Naarden yesterday. We visited him this morning to see if he had any further information. He was a labourer, and was forced to chop wood outside the fortress daily, accompanied by a guard. Yesterday he and a man from Laren escaped through the dense undergrowth. He estimated the garrison to be about 1000 men. The general had given over the command to somebody else. The French really did not like going out on sorties at all. Last Wednesday nine of them had been wounded, of which one had already died. Much was taken from the civilians, and only the soldiers had any alcoholic drink left. The meal and flour he estimated to run out in about five weeks. All of the meat that had been put in barrels for preservation was spoiled and rotten, but there were still 100 cows alive. There was almost no tobacco left, nor lamp oil, although salt was still in pretty good supply. Soap was being sold at (illegible) the pound, and many inhabitants and soldiers were crawling with vermin. Sides of bacon were being sold at 16 florins, and there was no vinegar to be had. Some horses in the city had been pressed into service to form a provisional cavalry unit. There were very few Dutchmen left in the ranks, but many Germans. In Hilversum, the decrees on the formation of the Landstorm and Landmilitie have been made known, and every Dutchman acknowledges the need and inevitability to serve his country.

Saturday 25 December. Christmas Day. Today 400 Cossacks passed through here, coming from Weesp, towards Amersfoort and on to Emmerik. Yesterday some cavalry and infantry reinforcements arrived at ‘s Graveland. A bridge has been laid across the Luie Gat ditch. It appears certain that a number of letters from the Commandant of Naarden have been received. Some officers have placed bets that Naarden will surrender before 2 March, others to the contrary. Only time will tell us. Some - and more than a few - pro-French persons in the area are gaining in courage. This goes to the extent that one of them thought, and said, that the Russian wagons that had passed through here couldn’t pass through the north of the country anymore. The reasons for their damned hope are the fact that the main Allied Armies are not advancing on Holland, the very few reports we are receiving on the progress of the great Allied army on the Rhine, the fact that the Cossacks are withdrawing to Amersfoort rather than march south, the attack of the French on Breda and their great force there, and the recent decree to call out the Landstorm, a desperate measure. This makes them long for those ‘sweet’ Frenchmen, who have always, but especially at their departure, shown that they really have our best interests at heart. Time, we pray, will shame them and their hopes. So many wonders, so many events in which nobody can deny the intervention of the Almighty, cannot have happened in vain. The Allies, who have fought with such determination and perseverance, will not crumble or weaken so easily, now that their continued attempts have met with such success. And the many peoples who have now been released from the French yoke will show that they will give everything to maintain and make complete their liberty. The watchword therefore is Courage, even if we cannot make everything into the way we would like, even when not all goes according to our wishes. 

Sunday 26 December. Nothing important happened today. French stockmarket papers are back at 100 percent. Some Roman Catholic misfits have had the audacity to go into a public house, tear some orange cockades from some hats and throw them into the fire. A Jansenite who was with them swallowed his cockade. Also, the orange flag has been taken from the Jansenite Church, and it was taken down from the Roman Catholic Church some days ago. And now we hear rumours That Austria has dropped out of the Coalition, and that 30.000 French troops have re-crossed the Rhine. Oh, the French weather is looking up!

Monday 27 December. In the afternoon we had a moment of joy. From here, we could see the Church tower of Naarden, and from what we could discern, we thought that the Dutch flag was flying from the tower, and so that the fortress had surrendered. The whole village was in an uproar, all coming out to see what was happening. I immediately rode to Bussum, but everything there was the same as last week, and we could now make out that it was the French flag that was flying over Naarden. Most likely they’re having a celebration of some kind. At Bussum I found my old school friend Blijenberg, who is a Lieutenant with the volunteers.

Tuesday 28 December. Nothing happened.

Wednesday 29 December. Ditto (nothing happened). In the evening we heard a strong gunfire in the distance. The news that Denmark has joined the Allies gives us much courage.

Thursday 30 December.  At seven o’clock in the morning I rode to Amsterdam. After some difficulty with the guards at the city gate I entered the city, and heard that the Hereditary Prince (of Orange, BdG) was expected there that day. I waited and saw His Majesty enter through the Kalverstraat. Shortly after, it became too dark to see anything properly. His Highness just returned from an inspection of the troops at ‘s Graveland and Bussum.

Friday 31 December. At half seven in the morning I saw the Hereditary Prince from up close, on the parade. At 2 o’clock in the afternoon I rode back home, arriving there around six in the afternoon, as the weather was very foggy and the road very slippery. On my way home I was asked for my pass by suspicious guards no less than six times! At Weesp there were 400 Amsterdam citizen militia, at Uitermeer and by the mill there 300 more, at Ankeveen there was a detachment of the Landstorm, and at ‘s Graveland and the other villages surrounding Naarden such as Huizen, Bussum etc around 1000 Dutch troops, now armed with 6 to 8 cannon and howitzers. Around 11 o’clock at night we heard a very loud crash and bang, as the Dutch troops blew up the Galgebrug (Gallow Bridge, BdG) near Naarden, along with its trestles. Over the last two days nothing much has happened at Hilversum itself, although an hour after the Prince had left Bussum after his inspection on Thursday, a shot from a Naarden howitzer damaged a house there.

Saturday 1 January 1814. This year opens with many happy prospects, but we have much left to wish for. May it please the Heaven to 

Albertus Perk - Diary of 1813-1814 - Part 1

This translation of Albertus Perk's diary has been kindly provided by Bas de Groot, who has translated and edited it from the original manuscript preserved with the Regionaal Archief Gooi en Vechtstreek (http://gooienvechthistorisch.nl/).

Albertus Perk later in his life

Albertus Perk was born in Hilversum, a town roughly 35 kilometres south-east of Amsterdam, in 1795, just three months after the French had invaded the northern Netherlands. He died there in 1880. He was born in a wealthy family, the son of a notary, and went on to become a very influential man himself in later life. In 1816, just 21 years old, he was already Town Clerk and Receiver of the Revenue for the Town of Hilversum. In 1820 he became a notary himself, like his father before him. In 1840 he became a Member of the Provincial States of the province of North-Holland, and in 1854 he was elected alderman in his home Town of Hilversum, which post he retained until his death. And next to father of 14 children to his two subsequent wives, and a keen and productive local and regional historian, he was also the Secretary of the “Erfgooiers”, a powerful agrarian collective which managed large tracts of agricultural lands in the region.

In 1813, however, Albertus Perk was just 18 years old. He had lived through turbulent times, but in a protected environment, free from the direct horrors of war. This resonates in his diary, which every now and then shows him to be an inquisitive, care-free, even gossipy youth. A youth who did not shirk from his duty to protect his home and hearth when faced with French raids from Naarden-based Imperial troops, however.

Naarden was one of the last fortresses in the Netherlands which remained in French hands throughout 1813 and early 1814, until well after Napoleon’s abdication. Only on 12 May 1814 did the town’s commander, General de Brigade Jacques Quetard de la Porte, whose second-in-command Colonel Jean Falba was the infamous commander of the troops responsible for the Woerden Massacre on 24 November 1813, finally surrender the fortress. He had held out with a garrison of over 2,000 men, but had had to deal with a number of desertions, as part of his troops consisted of Dutchmen and Germans in French service. Especially the Dutch of his Garde National units, and the Germans of the 4ème Régiment Etrangers were prone to leaving their Eagles at every opportunity. Nevertheless, after Quetard de la Porte, who had been the fortress’ commander since at least 1812, had given over the more direct command of the defense of Naarden to Colonel Falba, Falba remained an assertive defender, keeping his German and Dutch troops in check with his French and sending his troops on no less than 26 sorties between 8 December 1813 and 15 March 1814, the main goal of which was to bring fresh supplies of food and fuel into the fortress. This remained fairly easy to do, as most of the troops surrounding the fortress were hardly experienced fighting material. The first troops to arrive at Naarden were, like in many other places, patrols of Cossacks. At a number of places in the Netherlands, like Gorinchem and Delfzijl, these were then replaced by Prussian and Russian army units, who participated in sieges of those places, providing a backbone for the hastily created Dutch Landstorm (local militia) units. But in the case of Naarden, few Allied troops were committed, leaving it up to newly raised Dutch regular army units and the Landstorm to blockade the fortress. The Landstorm was called up in December 1813, and consisted of the male population of the country between the ages of 18 and 45, who were to be armed in any way possible, notably with pikes and fowling pieces. Overall, their fighting capabilities were very limited, and when not stiffened with professional troops they were prone to routing in combat, and desertion. Nevertheless, on a number of occasions they were able to make the life of the French commander difficult, and their very existence did much to encourage their compatriots within Naarden to desert to the Allies, leaving Quetard de la Porte and Falba with an ever dwindling garrison. 

After a summary of recent events in the Netherlands and Europe in general, Perk starts his diary on 10 November 1813.

“Wednesday evening 10^th of November, we were informed by channels from Utrecht and Amsterdam that seemed trustworthy, that the country had gone over to the Allies, that there was to be no fighting, and that the French would have leave the country before 15 November. This rumour made us rejoice extremely, as we would be in dire straits if the French did resist. The proximity of Naarden fortress, which had been fortified with casemates not long before and was one of the strongest in the country, made us worry about a siege that would affect us all.

Thursday 11^th of November we received intelligence that in Amersfoort the signposts of the customs officials had been torn down, that French officials had left that city, and that orange cockades were being worn. Rumour had it that the Russians were at Arnhem. Nobody knew of any French troops between here and there, and so all expected the Allies to be here soon, and the French to be overthrown.

Friday the 12^th, people at Eemnes were sure that they would see Russian troops enter their village, and the rumours of a French Capitulation were confirmed by everyone we spoke to.

Saturday the 13^th I was at Loenen, and heard there that the Emperor had been stabbed to death at Mainz. This rumour was repeated in Hilversum, but with slight variations. The Receiver of Revenues, Degottal, mocked the Cossacks, however, and told us that the French would be returning here shortly.

Sunday the 14^th it was widely mentioned that Napoleon had been captured, along with 8 Senators, and that Holland had been given over to the Allies. The Sub-Prefect made a proclamation at Eemnes, however, that there was no Capitulation, that 10,000 French troops would shortly be arriving in the cities along the IJssel river, and that Napoleon was in Paris.

Monday the 15^th we were told by persons coming from Amsterdam that the French had left that city, and that the Prince (they mean Charles-François Lebrun, duc de Plaisance, BdG) would be leaving that day. The Prefect (de Celles, BdG) was sick, the Emperor was said to be declared insane, and the Russians were supposed to be at Harderwijk.

Tuesday November 16^th. The old rumours were repeated until the afternoon. The paper stated that the enemy (the Allies, Bdg) had tried to attack Deventer on the 12^th, but had been beaten back by General Schinner (?). In the evening, Mr De Vries came from Amsterdam, and brought us the news that all the French were gone from there, that the guard houses of the Douane were being burned, that everyone was wearing orange cockades, but that most of the population was carrying on in an orderly fashion. He also brought a rumour that the English had landed at Zandvoort with the Prince of Orange at their head. Another person who arrived today mentioned that he had seen the Russians passing through Deventer on Sunday the 14^th, and that they were now at Niekerk.

Wednesday 17 November. Nothing special happened until late in the evening, when the trekschuit (a flat-bottomed horse-drawn boat that was used for public transport and postal services, BdG) arrived. It carried a letter from Amsterdam, reporting the death of 4 people, and the plundering of houses and property by the common people. We also got our hands on the first, new, Amsterdamsche Courant, which was very sought after, and read to one and all. It contained the names of the Provisional Government, as well as a number of proclamations, mostly asking for the people to remain calm and peaceful. Several circumstances were mentioned that seemed to imply that indeed a treaty had been signed to safeguard Holland from further violence, but everything remained murky, and we were left wondering, insecure about our future fate and future developments, but we remained hopeful, and the first ray of freedom arising flickers in our eyes. Oh, our bards, Loots and Helmers may yet have spoken the truth in their lofty verses. Heaven provide that it is so.

Thursday 18 November. This morning I rode to Loenen, to conclude our business with the Receiver of Revenues. Instead of finding him mocking the Allies, I found him packing his belongings and getting ready to move within the next two or three days. In Loosdrecht I encountered the first people who were openly wearing orange cockades and ribbons, but it was far from common to do so yet. Nothing else in this place spoke of rebellion or an uprising. The Maire together with the most respectable citizens had drawn up a number of measures to keep the peace, and we sincerely hope they will be effective. Amsterdam is reported to have quietened down.

Friday 19 November. I went to Naarden this morning, accompanied by my friend Hendrik van Veerssen, and it seemed like they were in earnest in preparing the defences. From all sides Douanes and other French employees are arriving here, where they are armed and put to work. Yesterday, the city was declared to be formally under siege, and under martial law. Just as we were leaving, the commanding general, a grey-haired Frenchman, was making his rounds. It is now difficult to enter Naarden. Nevertheless, it was said that the Prince of Orange had ordered a proclamation to be read in his name that very day.

Saturday 20 November. The proclamation I mentioned yesterday has been published in Amsterdam, and has found its way here as well. In Leiden, Haarlem and another city the city councils have been replaced. It is rumoured that the East India Company will be restored. But the Emperor has sent out a decree about certain matters in Holland as recent as 11 November, and has made a speech in the Senate on the 15^th that gave not a single hint about any treaty. The Duc de Plaisance has stated to the French officials that 10.000 French troops are approaching the river Lek, and the defences of Naarden are being strengthened daily. This continual state of rumours and counter-rumours stating this or that, relieving or increasing fears, is exhausting. We hear of no fights, we don’t hear anything about approaching troops or negotiations, and have no clue as to how everything is proceeding.

Sunday 21 November. No news.

Monday 22 November. Around 10 o’clock in the morning I arrived in Amsterdam, and found all the rumours that I had heard to be true. It was a strange sensation for me, to be walking in a city that had cast off its yoke and was truly free from French rule. I was told here that 4.000 French troops had arrived at Utrecht, and there was an increasing fear that the French would return. As we were leaving the city, we saw thirty soldiers arrive with all their accoutrements, led by three Amsterdam gentlemen on horseback. In the evening, we met some more near Ankeveen. Like the first ones we’d seen, they were going over from the French side to the Dutch in Amsterdam. They were mostly Germans in French service. Yet our prospects have not improved very much. At night in Hilversum I heard of an official communiqué, stating that the Russians were at Apeldoorn.

Tuesday 23 November. In the afternoon around 500 men, Douanes and men from the Regiment Etrangers passed through Hilversum towards Utrecht. This raised our spirits, as we hoped this foreboded the evacuation of Naarden by the French. Mr J.R. Das, who had been at Utrecht, reported that there were no more than 800 Frenchmen in that city. My brother-in-law, Lourens Vlaanderen, returned from Amersfoort, telling us that eleven Cossacks had been seen resting no more than an hour’s distance from that city, but that they had been overpowered at Niekerk by the Amersfoort garrison. Lourens had seen the garrison return: 200 men, triumphantly bringing with them 5 Cossacks, horses, and 2 pikes. All day there has been gunfire. It is said to emanate from Gorinchem. The Decree of the mass conscription of 300.000 men has been declared, nobody believes that Holland will be surrendred without a fight anymore. But there is more hope of liberation than there was yesterday. The Russians are at Elburg and Apeldoorn. The garde champetre (regional/country policeman, BdG) of ‘s Graveland, who had cried Oranje Boven in the presence of the Council and the Maire, has been taken to Utrecht by 3 gens d’armes this morning.

Wednesday 24 November.  Early in the morning, while we were at breakfast, Mr J.R. Das arrived, and told us that he had met a Cossack during the night, who had lost his way. Mr Das had sent him with a guide to Baarn, to take him across the bridge over the river Eem to Niekerk. Although we accepted the fact that the Cossack had lost his way, we were nevertheless perplexed, as we had thought them to be at Elburg that night. But very soon we discovered to our amazement that during the night some hundreds of Cossacks had followed the Hessian Road through our village towards Amsterdam. We simply could not believe it, but the flattened and trodden state of the road, and numerous reliable witnesses confirmed the story. Also, the Cossack who had spent the night here, when leaving the village, had taken the road towards Amsterdam, which he knew to take from the marks his countrymen had left behind. As we were discussing all this amongst ourselves, lo! We were surprised by a full dozen Cossacks. They asked us for directions to Amsterdam and Utrecht, and how many French were there, after which they went on their way. How unexpected was this arrival of the Russians as much as it was hoped for! We had not expected them for another four days at least. Now one and all became more cheerful, expecting the advance guard soon to be followed by larger numbers of troops. In the afternoon we headed for Baarn, but found no Russians there. Between nine and ten in the evening the church bells rang from the direction of Utrecht and Loosdrecht, but we couldn’t discover what caused it.

Thursday 25 November. Early in the morning, I rode over to Loosdrecht to find out what had been happening the previous night that had caused the bells to toll, and found that it was nothing more than a few bad and disorderly revellers, who had been feasting to their heart’s content. In the afternoon Mr J. van R. and I visited the widow Dulman, where we witnessed the ill-judged actions of the people of Loosdrecht, which were fired up and pushed on by a rum customer calling himself their Captain. Hearing that the French were still occupying Loenen, they had raised the drawbridge on that side of the village, and posted a guard consisting of four men. We wore orange cockades and ribbons openly for the first time, but a group of women thought the ribbons weren’t ostentatious enough, and badgered us about it. We made our way through them, and after having carefully avoided the zealous captain and his cronies, we left this raucous village without any further hindrance. After arriving at home, we were alarmed once more, hearing French and Cossack musket fire close by as they clashed at Eemnes. And the same evening we received word that the French still occupied Amersfoort, and that they had retaken Woerden, and had ransacked and pillaged that place in a barbarous manner. All this made us very uneasy.

Friday 26 November. At nine o’clock this morning, J. van R., my brothers and I left for Eemnes in order to obtain intelligence about yesterday’s affair. In this effort we succeeded splendidly, and we were able to note down the following details. We noted 13 trees that were hit by musket balls, some in as much as three places. A fence had been pierced by a bullet, and the great wooden door of a shed next to the post office as well, after which that particular ball had also pierced the opposite door, which was 14 feet away, and had shattered the rear leg of one of the Cossack’s horses. We heard here that Baarn had been abandoned by the Cossacks, and that the French still held Amersfoort. When we were back in Hilversum in the forenoon, a proclamation by the Maire and Council was read, requesting everyone to gather at the church square whenever  the small church bell tolled and carry out any further commands of the Council, in order to be able to deport any mischief makers when they came to disturb the peace. Our town differed in that respect from many in the neighbourhood: in Loosdrecht, Tienhoven, Kortenhoef and ‘s Graveland the national colours were hung from the church towers, the church bells tolled continuously, everyone was ordered to wear orange decorations, and one was mistreated if he or she did not. With Naarden still occupied by French troops, and no Allied troops at hand, this was a most unwise course of action. Our town remained peaceful, however, and its citizens both generous and determined, which was to be praised. How much it was to be praised became clear later that afternoon, when all of Loosdrecht, only so recently so passionate and courageous, shook and shuddered with fear when a French army of seven men entered it. This army made flag bearers into flag removers, stopped the bells from tolling, made orange ribbons and decorations disappear, made the noble citizens cower in their homes and the surrounding villages stop their revelries with a haste that showed their embarrassment. And all the while Hilversum did not have to explain anything, nor retract any hasty declarations, and was as peaceful in the presence of the Cossacks as it was in the presence of the French.

Saturday 27 November. In the morning I left through Loosdrecht for Loenen on horseback, but as the drawbridge on the Bloklaan hadn’t been lowered yet, I had to make a detour over Vreeland, even though peace had returned to Loosdrecht. The Receivers of Revenue Degottal and Dupont had left on Wednesday. The French that had occupied Loenen had withdrawn to the Fort at Nieuwersluis, where there were around 150 troops present. During their time in Loenen, they had terrified the inhabitants, threatening to plunder the community and mistreat its members, which they accused of rebellion. It came as no surprise, therefore, that the inhabitants still lived in frightful apprehension. The bridge across the river Vecht was raised, and near the Fort at Nieuwersluis the road had been dug up. At Loenen, I first read the original Proclamation of the Provisional Administration, but as proclamations in themselves rarely have any lasting effects, this could not encourage us. Our situation is really unenviable, the Russians are taking their time in advancing through the country. They have withdrawn from Baarn, and we hear nothing of any Allied army coming our way. Deventer is still in French hands, in Zwolle there are preciously few friendly troops. The French are hanging on, and everywhere they are, they conduct themselves brutally and unpredictably. Naarden is still occupied, and is being strengthened daily. A week has passed and we have not seen any improvement in our hopes of liberation or conditions. Napoleon will not have rested this last week. He will have improved his dispositions, and if he were to return with his army, even for a short period of time, we will all suffer like the poor wretches of Woerden did. Just a week ago, we said to ourselves: in eight days we’ll know more, no uncertainty can last that long. But nothing has progressed, and what will have changed in another eight days? Our prospects are bleak.

Sunday 28 November. After Church we received a number of newspapers that cheered us up. Hamburg had capitulated. But our joy was short-lived. Whilst eating our lunch, we heard a constant tramp of feet. I went out to see what was happening, and saw that more than a hundred Frenchmen from Naarden were now posted near our village. They took up posts at all the exits of the village, so that nobody could either enter or leave, sent out patrols through the village and the Garde Soldee was riding around in a fury. All of this disconcerted us greatly, and some people started to gather their belongings, as if to leave. It did not end in violence, however. An officer and thirty men entered the village and demanded that 100 blankets, three wagons filled with straw and some stoves be handed to them immediately. The people in the village started getting together these goods while the soldiers went to the Maire’s house and took all of his wine, jenever and bread, and from the Maire’s brother they took all his tobacco. The officer enquired after the town’s money-box, but didn’t wait for it to be delivered to him. When the required goods were ready and waiting for them, the wagons and soldiers left for Naarden around half three in the afternoon, as well as the guards at the exits of the town, which had only served to secure the French from a sudden Cossack raid. In the afternoon, J. van R. and I went to ‘s Graveland, and there we heard the news that Utrecht had been left by its French occupants around half four that morning, and that at one in the afternoon forty Cossacks had entered that city. Nieuwersluis and its fort had also been left by the French. Our hearts were greatly lifted by this news, and even though we had been scared that morning, we were now more hopeful than ever that we wouldn’t be seeing the French return again. The only thing we have left to fear is the garrison of Naarden, which is left on its own, and can still make sorties, maltreat us, and draw us into fights when the fortress is laid under siege. Fortunately, there are few troops in it at present, but enough to make our town’s citizens’ life living hell. We were assured that this night a single Cossack has arrived to claim the fortress for the Allies. Would that he succeeded! But the garrison of Amersfoort is marching for Naarden, and has plundered the post house at Eemnes whilst marching through there. Amersfoort is now occupied by Russian soldiers.         

Monday 29 November. Around ten o’clock in the morning I rode to Loosdrecht and returned with .... [illegible]. Cossacks have marched through Loenen to Amsterdam. All day long we feared another ‘visit’ from Naarden, but nothing happened. Around four in the afternoon a Cossack passed through, on his way to Utrecht from Laren, where around 20 of them are camped.

Tuesday 30 November.  Very early in the morning Lourens Vlaanderen came in to tell us that a party of Cossacks had arrived from the direction of Utrecht last night around midnight, and had now made camp in front of the Maire’s house. We immediately went out to have a look, and found around 25 Cossacks lying down around a large fire. Their horses were tied to the trees that surrounded them. Their commander was tall, handsome fellow, 29 years old, born on the borders of Asia. At the request of some people from ‘s Graveland, seven Cossacks had been detached to that place, where the villagers had kept watch all through last night, armed with pitchforks. The villagers of Kortenhoef had done the same. We now heard the rumour that the French from Naarden were plundering Weesp. Although this rumour turned out to be false, they did requisition a frightful amount of food and goods, after which they retired to Naarden. Around 2 o’ clock in the afternoon, a half-dressed man from Bussum stumbled into the village, telling how the French were plundering Bussum, and that he had just barely managed to escape. Our Cossacks immediately took to their horses, followed by a large number of onlookers from our side. As soon as the Cossacks, who had united with the band from Laren, approached Bussum, the French began to retire towards Naarden, even though they outnumbered the Cossacks by at least 100 men. Shots were fired in Bussum, wounding one of our Cossacks in the knee, and one of their horses in the belly. Two Dutchmen deserted the French and came over to our side. When the French had retired to Naarden, the Cossacks withdrew to Hilversum. In Bussum, the French had plundered the Roman Church, the vicar’s house, 2 or 3 large farmhouses, had threatened to pillage even more, had stolen 2 horses and 70 cows, and had put everyone in a state of great fear and anxiety. We in Hilversum likewise fear for another attack by the French from Naarden, as the garrison in our town is but small, and so the order has been given that in case of the alarm bell ringing, every villager is to turn out at once, armed with whatever he can find. There has been much firing of cannon and small arms this afternoon, rumour has it from the direction of Arnhem (Perk is correct, Arnhem was stormed and taken by General Bulow on this day, BdG). Now, around 10 o’clock at night, the Cossacks are lying by their horses. They have set up three small posts, each of three men, just outside the village. This afternoon the Cannon of Naarden have fired their first shot.

Moyle Sherer - Recolletions of the Peninsula

Born in Southhampton in 1789, Sherer received education at Winchester College and entered the army as an ensign in the 34th Regiment of Foot in 1807. he was soon on his way to the Iberian Peninsula, landing in Lisbon (Portugal) shortly after its liberation from the French.  He spent four years campaigning with his regiment in Portugal and Spain until he was captured by the French in 1813. After the Napoleonic Wars, Sherer continued to served as an office and eventually rose to the rank of captain in the 96th Regiment in 1831 before retiring in 1836. He produced a number of interesting travels accounts and his memoir Recollections of the Peninsula came out in 1823.


The news of this battle of Salamanca [fought on 22 July 1812] made me anxious to join my regiment, still under General Hill, with as much expedition as possible, for it was natural to suppose that this event, and Lord Wellington's advance into the very heart of Spain, would either compel Soult to raise the siege of Cadiz, and retire from Andalusia, or would lead to some offensive movements on our part to free the south from the presence of the enemy.

I left Lisbon for Estremadura, happily unincumbered by any detachment. At Abrantes I met a column of three thousand of the [French] prisoners taken at Salamanca. They were in a very exhausted state, from the length of their march, the heat of the weather, and the want of shoes and other necessaries; and, unlike my friends at Arroyo-de-Molinos, they had neither a word or a laugh to disguise their mortification. I never saw Frenchmen more thoroughly cut down; and, what appeared not a little to increase their vexation, they were escorted by four hundred awkward-looking, ill-appointed Portuguese militia-men, whose air of pride and importance, as they regulated the motions of these " vainqueurs d'Austerlitz," was truly entertaining. It is not generous to exult over fallen foes, but it is difficult to pity them, when your eyes have rested on scenes of desolation and ruin caused by many, perhaps, whose appearance would otherwise interest you in their favour. Not a town or a village had I passed, on my route from Lisbon, but affecting traces of the invasion of this smiling country were every where to be seen. Cottages all roofless and untenanted, the unpruned vine, growing in rank luxuriance over their ruined walls, neglected gardens, the shells of fine houses, half destroyed by fire, convents and churches, too solid to be demolished, standing open and neglected, with the ornametal wood or stone work, which once adorned them, broken down and defaced; all proclaimed silently, but forcibly, that I was travelling through a country which had been the theatre of war, and exposed to the ravages of contending armies. Such are the scenes which, not only in Portugal, but throughout Spain, arrest the eye at every step, and make the Briton, while he sighs over the miseries of the peaceful citizens, and laborious peasants, whose towns and villages have been thus visited by violence and rapine, offer up many a grateful prayer for the secure and heaven-defended position of his happier countrymen.

N. Muromtsev - An Episode from the Battle of Leipzig, 1813

The entire [Allied] army proceeded to one point, Leipzig. Napoleon, trying to prevent our concentration, attacked the Russian, Austrian and part of the Prussian armies on 4 [16] October. The French attack was swift and vigorous and an intense fight began at all points. In the middle, there was the village of Gossa, which we all called ‘red roof’. The Prussian troops were constantly sent against it during the day, but were repulsed with heavy casualties because the French were deployed as tirailleurs. In the afternoon, [general Alexey] Yermolov was ordered to seize this village by assault. The French were fortified behind its stonewalls and it was very difficult to dislodge them. Yermolov then commanded the Russian and Prussian Guards. He deployed the regiments in columns on both flanks and in the centre and marched with a drumbeat, having scattered the Guard Jägers as skirmishers in front of him. Observing our flanking columns, the French had to retreat pursued by the Jägers. There was a large stone house (it was the ‘red roof’) in the middle of the village and, as the Jägers rushed in, fierce fighting broke out; all the windows and mirrors were smashed to pieces. The French were finally driven out of the village. Corpses were taken out of the house and several of us, aides-de-camp, occupied it with out general [Yermolov].

There were many interesting incidents on that memorable day of 4 [16] October] and I want to describe one of them. Before noon, while our corps commanded by General Yermolov was still idle,  our  general  decided  to observe the actions on the left flank, where General Rayevskii’s troops were under heavy attack and could barely hold their ground. He took me with him and we rode there, about half a verst away. Having witnessed the action and talked to courageous Rayevskii, we turned back to our positions. The Guard cavalry was moving to the left of us, by threes to the right, and presented a long but thin line. The French, meanwhile, were deployed in squadron columns. Yermolov noted our mistake and told me, ‘Look, the French will soon charge and rout them.’ He had hardly finished when the French cavalry indeed charged. The entire Russian line shook and then fled. Thus, we found ourselves in the middle of our fleeing cavalry and the pursuing French, but were a bit to the left and so had some open space in front of us. We soon saw several French cavalrymen, who noticed us too and galloped in our direction. We immediately spurred our horses and, thanks to their agility, quickly outdistanced them. It is well known that the French horses moved awkwardly. The general had his hat blown off by the wind and I managed to dismount, pick it up and then ride away. We soon reached a small dam on the creek, which separated us from the czar and his entire suite, and encountered the Life Guard Cossacks, the czar’s escort, that were dispatched to support our cavalry. These good lads routed the French at once and our cavalry recovered.

Alexander Mikhailovskii-Danilevskii, The Journal of the 1813 Campaign - Part 1

Alexander Ivanovich Mikhailovskii-Danilevskii holds a distinct place in the Russian historiography of the Napoleonic Wars. A witness to the Napoleon’s campaigns in Europe in

1805-1808 and direct participant of the later wars, he wrote histories that broke new ground and represent classic works of history. In addition to over half a dozen histories of the Napoleonic campaigns,  Mikhailovskii-Danilevskii also left a series of diaries and memoirs that provide a fascinating insight into the Russian side of the Napoleonic Wars. 

Mikhailovskii-Danilevskii was born in 1790 in St. Petersburg. His father Ivan Lukyanovich Danilevskii (1751-1807) was a prominent figure in contemporary Russian society; born into a Cossack family from Malorossya, Danilevskii studied in Kiev Academy of Theology and, as a tutor to Brigadier P.S. Miloradovich’s son, he attended several universities in Germany and France, receiving a doctorate in medicine from the University of Gottingen. Returning to Russia, Danilevskii chose to pursue a career in banking and over the years he succeeded in becoming director of the State Loan Bank. The change of the family name from Danilevskii to Mikhailovskii-Danilevskii was a result of an incident during the reign of Emperor Paul I (1796-1801). A certain Danilevskii wrote a rather impertinent letter to Emperor Paul leading to arrest of Ivan Danilevskii. During the interrogation, he was found innocent and released. Emperor Paul comforted him by giving a promotion and adding “Mikhailovskii” - the emperor just moved to Mikhailovskii palace - to his surname to prevent any future confusion.  

The young Alexander Mikhailovskii-Danilevskii studied at St. Peter’s Lutheran College in St. Petersburg in 1797-1806. At the age of 12, he was placed in state service, working as a clerk (kantselyarist) at the State Loan Bank in 1801. In 1803, he was promoted to college registrar [kolezhskii registrator) and in 1805 – to college secretary (kolezhskii sekretar’). He abandoned state service after the death of his father in August 1807. Receiving a large inheritance, he decided to travel and study abroad. He first traveled to his father’s alma mater, the University of Gottingen, where he took classes in 1808-1811. In the summer of 1809, as Napoleon was defeating the Austrians on the field of Wagram, Mikhailovskii-Danilevskii traveled to France, Switzerland and Italy to see historical places before returning back to the university in November. He stayed at Gottingen for two more years, taking courses in history, politics, finances, law and arts.   
In late 1811, Mikhailovskii-Danilevskii returned to Russia and briefly worked in the chancellery of the Ministry of Finance. 

As Napoleon’s Grande Armée crossed the Nieman River in late June 1812, Mikhailovskii-Danilevskii resigned his position and volunteered for service in opolchenye (militia). His skills were quickly noticed and he was appointed adjutant to Prince Mikhail Kutuzov, then commander of the St. Petersburg opolchenye. After Kuzutov was given command of the Russian armies in late August, Mikhailovskii-Danilevskii followed him and remained by his side throughout the campaign, serving in the personal chancellery of the commander-in-chief. He received a baptism by fire at the bloody battle at Borodino on 7 September and was awarded the Order of St. Anna (4th class) for his actions. In September, as Kutuzov reorganized the chancellery, Mikhailovskii-Danilevskii was tasked with maintaining an official "Journal of Military Operations" which recorded daily operations of the main Russian army and was personally supervised and edited by Kutuzov. In October, Mikhailovskii-Danilevskii was wounded in the right hand at the Battle of Tarutino, for which he received the Order of St. Vladimir (4th class) and left the army to recover at Tula. 

Mikhailovskii-Danilevskii returned to active service in February 1813 (where his 1813 Journal starts its narrative) and resumed his duties of an adjutant to Kutuzov. Taking advantage of his proficiency in languages, Kutuzov had Mikhailovskii-Danilevskii writing reports and various memos on military operations in Russian, German and French languages as well as continuing to maintain the Journal of Military Operations. After Kutuzov’s death in April 1813, Emperor Alexander noticed the talented young official and took him into His Imperial Majesty’s Suite on Quartermaster Service, which served as a precursor to the Russian General Staff. Here, Mikhailovskii-Danilevskii was in charge of foreign correspondence and official Journal of Military Operations, which was now edited by Emperor Alexander himself. He attended the Russian emperor throughout the 1813-1814 Campaigns and, in addition to earning a promotion to captain in September 1813, was awarded a golden sword and the Prussian Pour le Merite for his actions in the Battle of Lutzen (May 1813), the Order of St. Anna (2nd class) and the Austrian Order of St. Leopold (3rd class) for his role in the Battle of Leipzig (October 1813) and the diamond signs of the Order of St. Anna (2nd class) for his involvement in the Battle for Paris in March 1814. 

In August 1814, Mikhailovskii-Danilevskii joined the newly established General Staff, commanded by Prince P. Volkonsky who appreciated the young officer’s knowledge of foreign languages and ability to maintain official correspondence. In 1815, Mikhailovskii-Danilevskii attended the Congress of Vienna where he handled Emperor Alexander’s correspondence. After being promoted to a colonel in 1815, he was appointed as flügel adjutant to Emperor Alexander and over the next three years accompanied him in various travels throughout Europe. At the same time, Mikhailovskii-Danilevskii also began experimenting with writing historical works and memoirs. He completed his biographical Ma biographie, Mes voyages, Histoire de la guerre 1812, Lettres sur celle de 1813 in 1814 and wrote several articles and anonymous histories that were published in Russian periodicals Syn Otechestva, Russkii Vestnik and Otechestvennie Zapiski. 

In December 1823, Mikhailovskii-Danilevskii was promoted to a major general and given command of 3rd Brigade of the 7th Infantry Division in Poltava. While serving there, he befriended local officers who later participated in the Decembrist Rebellion of 1825. This event dimmed his prospects for advancement and he resigned from his post in April 1826. Mikhailovskii-Danilevskii spent next three years arranging private affairs until, in 1829, he was called back to active duty during the Russo-Ottoman War. He was appointed as Duty Officer to General Ivan Diebitsch, who commanded the Russian army in the Danubian Principalities. Next year, he accompanied the Russian army sent to suppress the Polish Rebellion and was seriously wounded at the Battle of Grochow on 23-25 February 1830.

Returning to St. Petersburg, Mikhailovskii-Danilevskii began writing historical books and, in 1831, he published several works on the campaigns of 1813-1815. Emperor Nicholas I praised these studies and ordered Mikhailovskii-Danilevskii to write a comprehensive history of the wars of Alexander I. For this purpose Mikhailovskii-Danilevskii was granted a wide access to Imperial archives, but was closely supervised by the Imperial authorities. 

This assignment resulted in a series of fundamental researches on the Napoleonic campaigns. Mikhailovskii-Danilevskii was a prolific writer, who worked with a remarkable efficiency. He published “Campaign of 1814 in France” in 1836, “History of the Patriotic War of 1812” in 1839, “History of the 1813 Campaign” in 1840, “Description of the War in Finland” in 1841, “Description of the Wars with Turkey” in 1843, “Description of the First War of Alexander I with Napoleon“ in 1844, and “Description of the Second War of Alexander I with Napoleon” in 1846. These works brought him fame and awards. In 1834 Emperor Nicholas presented him with snuffbox decorated with brilliants for the work on 1812 Campaign. On 6 December 1835 he was promoted to a lieutenant general with the right to sit in the Senate, and three days later he was appointed a chairman of the Military Censorship Committee. In later years, he was awarded the Orders of St. Vladimir (2nd class, 1836), of St. George (4th class, 1836), of the White Eagle (1838), of the Red Eagle of Prussia (1st class, 1839) and of Alexander of Neva (1843), and the diamond signs of the Order of Alexander of Neva (1846). He became a member of the Imperial Council of War (1839) and of the Imperial Academy of Science (1843). Alexander Mikhailovskii-Danilevskii died on 9 September 1848 during the cholera epidemic in St. Petersburg. He was buried at the Tikhvinskoye Cemeteryof the Alexander Nevsky Lavra in St. Petersburg.

The original manuscript of the Journal of the 1813 Campaign is preserved at the Russian State Military Historical Archive (RGVIA) and it was published in Russian in 1990: 1812 god... Voennye dnevniki, ed. A. Tartakovskii (Moscow: Sov. Rossiya, 1990). This is its first English publication.

The Journal of the 1813 Campaign

My wounds barely began to heal and my condition slightly improved when General Konovnitsyn arrived from the army to St. Petersburg. He brought me Prince Kutuzov’s letter asking me to hurry up with returning to the main headquarters. Konovnitsyn told me that since he was planning to return to the army very soon he would be pleased if I accompanied him. I received with due appreciation such satisfying words from these two famous men and on 16 [28] January I traveled with Konovnitsyn, his entire family and adjutants, now Generals Pavlenkov, Akhsharumov and Frolov, to his family estate at Kiarovo, located in the Gdovskii uezd, where we spent one week. The generous hosts tended to us, young officers, like their children. I spent mornings with Konovnitsyn, browsing through his maps, plans and papers, among which the most interesting were those related to the last Finnish campaign,  when he served as a duty general. He had preserved his contemporary correspondence with Prince Bagration, Count Kamensky, Rayevsky, Tuchko and other famous generals, as well as the Emperor’s correspondence with Count [Fedor] Buxhowden, whose memory Konovnitsyn respected so much that he once told me, “If Buxhowden were alive today, it would have been him, not Kutuzov, commanding our armies during the Patriotic War.”  Buxhowden’s achievements, like almost all prominent Russians, are not described by anyone. I think that he would have been long forgotten if not for his courageous letter to the dreadful and all-powerful Minister of War Count Arakacheyev, which everyone had seen and which reproached this timeserver [vremenshik] for his haughty demeanor, excessive penalties and claims of authority to hold accountable even commander-in-chief; among other things Count Buxhowden [even] asked Arakcheyev, “Do you know what a ‘commander-in-chief’ really stands for?”
Talking about Konovnitsyn, I cannot but mention one beautiful trait of his character: he not only loved to give proper credit to and praise officers, who served under his command, but he did this with particular pleasure, which was visible on his kind face; it seemed that praising his subordinates for the very sustenance of his soul, so benevolent and sublime. He thus praised Colonel Gaverdovski, who was killed at the battle of Borodino, assuring that he had inordinary talents and had he survived the battle, he would have been an excellent genera;. “When he served under me,” Konovnitsyn said, “I demanded almost impossible tasks from him and he accomplished them all.” But he loathed foreigners and said that he never would have promoted foreigners to a general’s rank. "Sure, shower them with money,” he used to say, “but do not give them any ranks: they are mercenaries.” The abandonment of Moscow lay heavily on his heart. Rarely did a day pass without him mentioning to me about this circumstance, adding every time, “I did not cast my vote for the surrender of Moscow and urged the council of war to advance against the enemy." “Only once,” he told me, “did I advise to retreat during the Patriotic War, and that was at Krasnaya Pakhra.”

Our neighbors usually visited us at lunchtime. As expected all conversations were solely about the war of 1812 that had just ended and the memories of it were still fresh and vivid! Everyone listened attentively when Konovnitsyn told various war stories since he knew all details and secrets. In the evenings, we held dances and our hero [Konovnitsyn], who just weeks earlier was rushing like a lightning in front of the regiments and whom the future generations would consider among the liberators of Russia, played on a violin, albeit very poorly. Like many generals who the Providence immortalized during the war of 1812, Konovnitsyn was dismissed from military service by Emperor Paul and he used his banishment to ponder and enrich himself with knowledge because he, like all the nobles of his time, enlisted in the service very early in his life and before completing his education. In Russia, a statesman must educate himself during his adult years, because we lack appropriate educational facilities where we could be prepared for senior military or civilian positions and spend the best years for education in military service Konovnitsyn also prepared notes for the education of his children, whom he loved passionately and whose subsequent fate, especially his eldest son [Peter] and daughter [Elizabeth] whom he idolized, turned so terrible: his son was cashiered as a common soldier while the daughter followed her husband into the Siberian exile.

While commanding the 3rd Infantry Division, he issued an injunction on soldier instruction, which, among other things, stated, “The soldier must be certain that the number of bullets he carries is equal to the number of deaths he inflicts on the enemy.” During the battle at the village of Kakuvyachino, near Vitebsk, he was informed that the enemy had pushed one [of the Russian] wings back and asked for further orders. He simply responded, "Do not let the enemy in.”

Konovnitsyn’s name will forever remain in our history because of his participation in the Patriotic War. At Vitebsk, Smolensk and Borodino he commanded the most dangerous spots on the battlefield while his rearguard actions from Smolensk to Borodino, which daily featured more than 30,000 people and fifty guns, would have been considered among general battles in former times when armies were not as numerous as now. After the abandonment of Moscow, when our army was in great disarray, Prince Kutuzov appointed him as duty general because he was the most capable of restoring order among the troops. Not content with this position, he continued to be present in skirmisher lines or ahead of columns in all battles: one can say that he commanded troops in the battles at Tarutino and Maloyaroslavets; at Vyazma and Krasnyi, he inspired our soldiers through his personal example, rushing back and forth with incredible speed and acting on behalf of the commander in chief. Upon receiving the news that the enemy troops were longer present on Russian soil, he asked for permission to see his family, but one may ask when did he requested this vacation? When the Emperor himself came to Vilna to thank and reward the generals and personally greeted Konovnitsyn, thanking him for his service. At that very moment, when one should try to gain the monarch’s attention to procure awards, Konovnitsyn requested just one grace – a furlough of several days to embrace his wife and children. I saw him both in the heat of battle and in the midst of his family: a sincere respect for his memory is forever engraved in my heart, and his portrait will never leave my study.

A week later we traveled from Kiarovo to the main headquarters of the army, which was had orders (later countermanded) to concentrate between Posen to Schneidemühl.  As we traveled to Vilna, we observed everywhere the bloody footprints of the war. Starting from the Dvina River, all villages were burnt to the ground; residents deprived of shelter and food, nesting in holes dug by them in the ground; and only Jews showed some attempts at enterprise. These later should be given a fair due for services they provided to Russia and remaining devoted to us while the Poles still entertained hopes that the enemy would launch a new offensive in the spring and return to our borders. Vilna presented a horrible sight: infectious diseases rampaged there for two months; there was not a house where there were not sick and dying, while others stood empty, abandoned by their owners out of fear of contagion. We saw prisoners in multitudes at every step; the disasters that befell on them during their retreat from Moscow were so great that they considered themselves lucky to be in captivity; even the air was so cold and heavy that it was difficult to breath.

From Vilna we traveled to Plock and crossed the Niemen the following day. In the first Prussian settlement, Kalinovo, I found educated people, a piano, books and newspapers. It was a joyful sight after the disastrous scenes we observed in Byelorussia and Lithuania. Soon we entered once more the Duchy of Warsaw; it was not as devastated as the Russian provinces that served as a theater of war; Polish peasant houses and buildings were unscathed while [in our provinces] everything is burnt to the ground.

Upon arrival at Plock, I visited Prince Kutuzov. He received me very kindly and was in more joyful spirit than at Tarutino, which is natural considering the successful end to the Patriotic War. “You will again stay with me,” he told me among other things. At the headquarters, I found great changes compared to what was Tarutino where everyone easily entered the headquarters, oftentimes wearing frock coats made of the soldier's cloth. At Płock, however, the Emperor and his glistering retinue were staring and I saw many new faces, dandy horses and carriages; [back in 1812] when we were near Moscow, we lived like Spartans. At the headquarters, everyone was in engaged in activities, writing and making plans for future military operations, but special attention was paid to formation of reserve troops and the alliances with Prussia and Austria.

Quartermaster General Toll welcomed me with open arms. At the time he played the leading role [at the headquarters:] both the Emperor and the Field Marshal trusted him greatly, his advice was solicited in all affairs and nothing was decided without his council. As the French were expelled from Russia, Grand Duke Constantine Pavlovich told him, “You prescribed them a nice route from Tarutino through Vyazma and Krasnyi to the Niemen!” Konovnitsyn was appointed as the head of the Grenadier Corps; his former post of Chief of Staff of the Army was given to Prince Volkonskii, who instructed me to maintain a military journal and foreign correspondence, and thus I became exposed to the clandestine side of the 1813 Campaign. We possessed numerous captured enemy documents that had not been categorized yet; many of them were signed by Napoleon himself, and quite a few of them were later lost, for the future historian’s great chagrin. These documents showed clearly that the French had made careful preparations for the invasion of Russia and were quite afraid of us. I was also secretly shown the letter sent by the famous Prussian Minister Baron Stein to General York urging him to remain steadfast in his feelings towards Russia.

In early February, we marched from Plock to Kalisz. Our march was like a spring stroll; the green was just appearing everywhere, trees were blossoming and the beneficial sun is never so appealing as in the Northern countries in the first days of spring. We covered some twenty or more verstas each day. The Emperor was always on horseback, dressed as a dandy; his beautiful face never stopped exuding happiness. We advanced for more than three hundred verstas from our borders, but no one greeted us as the liberators. Only Jews, dressed in clownish clothes, carried out their sacred objects and colorful banners depicting the Tsar's monogram ahead of their settlements, beating drums, playing trumpet and timpani. The Poles appeared occasionally as well. As usual they did not know themselves what they wanted, some said that they were tired of the French yoke, others looked angrily at us, which was quite natural due to their deep-rooted resentment towards us as well as because our Army’s each march forward deferred the hour when Poland would restored. However, the Poles could not complain about us: our army maintained the strictest order.

Neither hostile attitudes of the inhabitants of the Duchy of Warsaw, nor indecisiveness of Prussian and Austrian cabinets, which were so close to the theater of war, or the Vistula River, that was fenced with strongly guarded fortresses, stopped our advance. The enemy fled in different directions: some fled to Dresden, others to Magdeburg, still others locked themselves inside fortresses on the Vistula
Oder and the Elbe, while the Poles withdrew into Krakow, where the survivors of “people’s representatives” who proclaimed the restoration of Poland in 1812, had escaped from Warsaw.

No matter how plausible it seemed that other powers would join us against Napoleon, we had, first of all, to place our hopes in the strength and future successes of our own troops, who needed to rest. At first [our leaders] considered to rest them near Züllichau but then decision was made to stop at Kalisz, where the headquarters arrived on 12 [24] February and the army occupied the surrounding area. Detachments were sent forward with orders to overtake the enemy, destroy them and incited the people of Germany to take arms. Count Wittgenstein, meanwhile, proceeded to Berlin, and various corps were deployed to observe fortresses still occupied by the enemy in our rear.

Events unfolded so rapidly that the recent exploits of the Russians on the Dnieper and the Dvina, on the Kolocha and the Nara, the burning of Moscow and Smolensk already seemed to belong to history and bearing no connection with the present events. As a result of our victories, our relationship towards other powers had changed. Russia was now as alone and abandoned by all as she was six months before but now she was not simply in anticipation of a bloody conflict for everything that was sacred for the nations but rather acted as the victorious power ready to fight for the independence of Europe. Her successes guaranteed her long-time safety from military offensives against her and therefore the struggle undertaken by our Emperor had to take a different form. Our cabinet had to be as skilful at the negotiating table as our army had shown itself on the fields of honor and earn the same aplomb in diplomatic affairs which our army had acquired in military affairs, and compel Europeans, who pay attention to tangible benefits, to feel the price of political liberty that Russia intended to grant them.

Shortly after our arrival at Kalisz, Prussian officers began to appear at our headquarters. While their appearance did give us some hope for Prussia’s cooperation, but it was far from being certain, particularly because General York, who was first to come to our side with his corps, declared, in response to our proposals for joint pursuit of the enemy, that he would not advance with us beyond Schlochau  and would certainly not cross to the left bank of the Vistula without the royal command; at the same time, the Prussian commandant of the fortress Graudenz rejected Barclay’s requests for artillery that was needed for the siege of Thorn. Prussian General Scharnhorst, famous for his military writings and one of the leaders of the secret societies in Germany, arrived at our headquarters. He was instructed by the king [Frederick William III] to conclude an alliance as well as to gather reliable information on our forces that were exaggerated for him both on paper and in verbal communications. Negotiations touched upon the issue of who should, in the case of joint operations of the Russian and Prussian troops, command the armies; our side suggested that whoever was senior in rank should take command but Scharnhorst argued that it would be more appropriate for Russians to take the lead because his countrymen were allies or auxiliary troops, and the Russians, as the first party to the war, should take precedence.

After Scharnhorst arrived British Ambassador Earl Cathcart, Swedish Minister Count [Carl] Löwenhielm and Austrian Charge d'Affaires [Ludwig] Lebzeltern. Thus Russia was no longer acting alone nor was she confined to her own troops in this new war. Nevertheless, we still had to incite our new allies to decidedly declare war and especially to dissipate the fear which gripped them in front of Napoleon. During our negotiations with them, we particularly emphasized the news of the continued victories of our advance troops who were already approaching the Elbe.

Meanwhile, we were also preoccupied with the formation of the interim government in the Duchy of Warsaw. Our goal was to make arrangements in this region and secure the rear and supplies of our armies.  With this in mind, we established a supreme council of five members, appointed by the Emperor, and a committee composed of members from each of the Duchy’s department or county. Our inexperience in such matters was rather amusing. The task of establishing the government of the Duchy of Warsaw was entrusted to Bezrodny, who had served his entire career at the supply and commissariat services. He did not have even the slightest idea on politics and did not know any foreign language. I met him in front of Prince Kutuzov’s cabinet where I was called by his lordship. Bezrodny stopped me, urgently asking me to inform the Field Marshal about his most difficult circumstances; "I have never written constitutions in my entire life,” he told me.

We noticed that in their bulletins and various pamphlets the French sought to assure the Germans (and they partially succeeded in this) that we had exaggerated our successes and that the French losses in Russia were negligible. Therefore, prince Kutuzov ordered me to publish news on our military operations in Russian, French and German languages and describe circumstances as they were. Never before have I had such a wide field to extol successes of my Fatherland. But my inspiration also took me too far and the Field Marshal [Kutuzov] once told me, "You have lost your touch and no longer write in prose but rather produce [laudatory] odes." But it was not difficult to find an excuse for this since that very same day we received the news on our capture of Dresden and our victory over the Persians [in southern Caucasia.]