“Human life is short and fleeting, and many millions of individuals, who share in it, are swallowed by that monster of oblivion which is waiting for them with ever-open jaws. It is thus a very thank-worthy task to try to rescue something— – the memory of interesting and important events, or the leading features and personages of some epoch— – from the general shipwreck of the world.” Arthur Schopenhauer

Monday, December 30, 2013

Albertus Perk - Diary of 1813-1814 - Part 2

This translation of Albertus Perk's diary has been kindly provided by Bas de Groot, who has
translated and edited it from the original manuscript preserved with the Regionaal Archief Gooi en Vechtstreek (http://gooienvechthistorisch.nl/). To read Part 1, click here

Wednesday 1 December. All day long the situation was the same as yesterday. Around 8 o’clock at night some 80 Cossacks passed through here from Eemnes to Nieuwersluis. They told us they would be followed by infantry. Around 11.30 the guns of Naarden fired intensely.

Albertus Perk later in his life
Thursday 2 December. Today the Cossacks who had passed through here yesterday, returned again to Eemnes. In the afternoon we received reliable information that Muiden had been freed. Its garrison of 400 men has been taken prisoner, and the Russians and soldiers from Amsterdam are now approaching Naarden from that side. This sets our minds a little more at ease, and we have less fear for further attacks from Naarden. The Prince of Orange has arrived in The Hague.

Friday 3 December. During breakfast we noted that people were busy hanging out a large flag on the church tower. It took them until noon, but then it was flying creditably. In the meantime the church bell was tolling and every supporter of the Prince donned the orange and assembled on the Church square (Kerkbrink), and cheered the goings-on. At one o’clock the Maire, wearing the orange cockade, made a proclamation in the name of the provisional town council, encouraging everyone to wear orange decorations, but to remain calm. Deep into the night the citizens sang and danced by the roadside, but no property was damaged, nor people maltreated. In the evening we heard that the Prince had arrived in Amsterdam, and that he had been declared our Sovereign ruler. There is a steady correspondence with the commandant of Naarden, which increases our hopes of a peaceful capitulation. During the night a large body of Prussian cavalry moved through ‘s Graveland. A note by my uncle Krijn from Eemnes told us that nearly 1000 Cossacks had made camp there, and in the surrounding area even more.

Saturday 4 December. During this last week a lot more has happened than we had dared to hope eight days ago. All of it extra encouragement for us not to give up hope. The arrival of the Prince of Orange, the well-founded hope of help from England, the approach of Russian and Prussian troops, the retreat of the French from Utrecht, Loenen, Dordrecht, etc, are all circumstances which have changed the state of our fatherland for the better ever since Saturday last. Yet, although we are comforted by all of this, in reality the circumstances for our village, so close to Naarden, filled to the brim with plunder-minded French soldiers, haven’t improved very much. In fact, the tale of today will show that it has been one of the, if not the, most troubled day that we have been through during this time of revolution. Very early in the morning we noticed that all of our Cossacks had left. We grew a little concerned over this, but our steady hope of the arrival of other troops soothed our fears. Then, a little after noon, and well before any troops had arrived, a rumour reached us that Bussum was being plundered by the French again, and that this time they had a mind to come to Hilversum. Indeed, like the first time Bussum was plundered, some heads of cattle could be seen being driven away from that place. The Maire, myself and some others climbed the church tower, but could not discern the cattle. Two persons remained on the tower as watchmen, to ring the bell if necessary, and we descended again. When we arrived at the local courtroom, we found a large multitude gathered there, which confirmed the rumours, and also mentioned with great certainty in their voices that Eemnes was being plundered as well, and that there were no Cossacks in Laren. Immediately, the bell was rung and all citizens were called upon to arm themselves as best as they could and gather on the church square (Kerkbrink). Within minutes almost all of the Hilversum men returned to the Kerkbrink and the Groest, bringing rifles, pistols, swords, sabres, pikes, knifes attached to long poles, pitchforks, spades, axes, even clubs and cudgels. Around forty of the armed farmers were mounted on horses. A messenger was immediately despatched to Uitermeer, and two to Utrecht, all mounted, to ask for military aid. The rest of the riders were detached towards Bussum and the moors in order to be able to warn us of any events, whilst the men on foot remained gathered in the town to await further information and act accordingly. While this was going on, many of the women and children fled to surrounding villages, carrying baggage with them. More than 300 pieces of cattle were driven from the village as fast as they could walk. At the local courtroom people were busy making up and filling cartridges and checking the muskets, and everyone was ready to resist any French attempt on the village, but as we didn’t have enough weapons and were not very well-organised, one could easily imagine the outcome of any serious contest: we would lose the fight, and murder, plundering and devastation would become our share. And even if we were to succeed, it would still cost many civilian lives. No wonder, then, that we were indeed very anxious and scared, especially when the messenger who had been sent to Uitermeer returned with the news that the French advance guard was already at the farm of C. Van Ek, no more than a quarter of an hour’s walk (In Dutch, an hour’s walk equalled a distance of roughly 3 miles or 5 kilometres, BdG) from the town. Just now, when alarm and fear were spreading rapidly, the reassuring tiding came that it was just a false alarm. It turned out that the people in Bussum had seen some deserters from Naarden approaching, and, fearful of a French plundering expedition, had started driving away their cattle, which had started the rumour. The same deserters were then seen near the farm of Mr Van Ek. Upon confirmation of the true turn of events, all armed civilians on foot were temporarily dismissed, whilst the mounted men continued their patrols across the moors and towards the surrounding villages. Everyone regained their composure, and many of those who had fled now returned. A great number of people from Loosdrecht, armed and with their vicar at their head, had been marching to our aid, as rumours had spread, even as far as Utrecht, that Hilversum was being plundered, and its population murdered. They were thanked for their efforts and returned to their village. In the afternoon there was another rumour, this time that Eemnes was being plundered, but it turned out to be false, and was started because of the same deserters that had been wandering around our town that morning. Later that afternoon the deserters were arrested and brought in by our riders, six or seven of them. They were treated like spies. Amongst them was a deserted Spaniard from Naarden. Our riders continued their patrols throughout the day. Two pickets of Cossacks arrived to patrol as well, one of which was very unruly, but to our regret they left again. The messengers that we had sent to Utrecht returned with the promise that 100 Hussars would follow them shortly, but they never did, and as night fell we remained troubled and anxious, even though guard posts had been set up, and horses and riders were kept in readiness in Bussum to come and warn us should anything happen. Early in the morning, two of our Council members will go to Utrecht to ask for military troops to be stationed in our town. A few memorable moments of today were the following: when we thought danger was at its nearest this morning, Mr M. De L., who been called upon to arm himself, fell into a swoon from fear. The Roman Catholic Priest fled to Hoornbroek, but the new Receiver of Revenue armed himself with a pitchfork.

Sunday 5 December.   This morning at nine o’clock 4 Prussian Uhlans arrived here, to our great joy and relief. Surrounding villages also had cavalry quartered in them, so that we are now much more at our ease. In the afternoon the Church service was held. According to the Almanac and the French law, the coronation of the Emperor and the anniversary of the Battle of Austerlitz were to be celebrated today, but the vicar prayed that his power were to be crushed utterly. Everyone was wearing as many orange decorations as he or she could, and in the evening a number of songs, ridiculing and mocking the Emperor were sung along the streets. What a complete, never expected, speedy and joyous turn of events! How little should we trust the earthly powers that be, when one sees what events can take place in such a short amount of time, and that were held to be impossible!

Monday 6 December. Our Prussians, who conduct themselves admirably, much better than the Cossacks, are to remain with us. Today nothing much happened, apart from 80 Cossacks passing through here, coming from Baarn and going to Amsterdam. We heard that Gorinchem had been evacuated by the French, and their impotence is growing more and more visible. Many of our Dutchmen are acting in a noble manner, worthy of their heritage. It is only to be hoped that the martial spirit will continue to grow, so that everyone will show himself able and willing to defend and liberate the fatherland, even at the cost of his blood and his property.

Tuesday 7 December. At 10 o’clock in the morning I left Hilversum for Amsterdam. Just after I had left the alarm was sounded, and our Prussians marched towards Naarden, as tidings had reached them that the French were making a sortie. By the time our troops arrived, the French had already set a number of houses on fire (in order to clear their line of fire from Naarden, BdG), including the inn of Jan Tabak, and had retired towards the fortress. A few more Prussian cavalrymen arrived again today.

Wednesday 8 December. Around 8 o’clock at night I returned home with the trekschuit, without having seen or heard anything or particular interest. At Diemerbrug, Weesp, Uitermeer and Ankeveen, Cossacks were now stationed. Just before we arrived home, 1400 Prussian troops with 3 cannon had entered Hilversum. Major Pfuhl, who commanded them, was an excellent and friendly man, and he was lodged at our house.

Thursday 9 December. At eight o’clock in the morning all the Prussians here, cavalry, artillery and infantry, were ready to move out, and left in the direction of Naarden. Near Bussum the column halted, and fired their artillery a few times, but the envoy that was sent out to the town wasn’t allowed in. The troops then faced about and returned from whence they had come, and around noon they marched through our village, and straight on to Utrecht, only the cavalry remaining. Our Major told us that General Bulow at Utrecht had only sent this corps to see if the Commandant of Naarden, who was said to have once been a prisoner of the Russians, and hadn’t been exchanged properly, would have preferred to surrender to Prussian troops. It was also hoped that when a large number of troops were to be seen approaching Naarden, the Dutch and Germans of the garrison would start to desert, or even mutiny. But as this plan had failed, the Prussians had orders to rejoin their Corps, in order to penetrate deeper into Belgium and France proper. We were told that the Allies had crossed the Rhine at Mannheim, and that Bayonne had been taken by the British, which renewed our courage greatly.

Friday 10 December. Around two o’clock in the afternoon, nearly 1000 Cossacks entered the village, completely unexpected. They rested a while on the Groest (village square, BdG), but soon thereafter continued in the direction of Weesp. A little later 400 more arrived, and it looks like they are staying, although some people told us they were to continue northwards tomorrow. Right now they are lying down, sleeping around twenty large fires. All their horses are near them, tied to the trees around the square. We are constantly expecting infantry and artillery to lay siege to Naarden. It is not clear to us why there are so many Cossacks passing through here towards Weesp, as they can be of little use in a siege. It appears to us that they were at Gorinchem, but could do no more there, and so are being ordered around.

Saturday 11 December. Instead of leaving, the Cossacks are making every impression of staying longer. They requisitioned hay, oats, bread etc at ‘s Graveland and Loosdrecht, so that all of our carts and wagons had to ride to those places to receive the requisitioned goods. At nine o’clock in the morning we received the message that the French were coming out of Naarden. The Uhlans and around 100 Cossacks rode to Bussum. From our church tower we saw fires being started in two places, and heard musket fire throughout the afternoon. Around two o’clock in the afternoon the French withdrew, nine German and two Dutch Douanes who had deserted were brought in. They told us they thought the garrison to be 1200 men strong. By the evening, all our wagons and carts returned, heavily laden, and delivered all goods to the Cossack gentlemen. One of the cows that had come in was instantly slaughtered and divided. How many more Saturdays will pass like this before Naarden has surrendered, and we will be relieved from fear, and the care for so many? Then again: we have seen these last few days that in a week’s time a lot can happen, and so we remain hopeful and courageous.

Sunday 12 December. The Cossacks have remained , and all day it has stayed quiet. In the evening we got word that 600 Dutch troops had arrived at ‘s Graveland.

Monday 13 December. The Cossacks are still camping on the Groest, only a few have left. The people who live around the square are being constantly harassed and discomfited. Some have withdrawn into the smallest room in their house, leaving the rest of the house at the mercy of the Russians. Others are having to feed 20 to 30 Cossacks daily, and provide them with drink. They appear to be good and friendly people, they do not insult people, and do not hinder anyone within their own homes, but nevertheless their stay is becoming expensive and bothersome. It appears more Dutchmen will be arriving at ‘s Graveland to completely surround and cut off Naarden, and some have already marched for Crailoo (Crow’s Forest, an area of moors between Hilversum and Bussum, BdG) and Bussum. This evening a captured French Douanier from Naarden was brought in and taken to Weesp.

Tuesday 14 December. Early in the morning we heard cannon and musket fire from the direction of Naarden. At 11 o’clock I went with some others to the low hills that are situated towards Bussum. We approached Naarden to a distance of a quarter of an hour’s walk (In Dutch, an hour’s walk equalled a distance of roughly 3 miles or 5 kilometres, so Perk was around a kilometre away from Naarden, BdG), and could see the soldiers on the walls, busily firing in the direction of Muiden, Ankeveen and Crailoo. All the Dutch troops that were at ‘s Graveland have taken up positions towards Naarden, and are marching to and fro. Most of our Cossacks and Uhlans are at Bussum. Early in the morning, the Dutch troops have taken the redoubt at Karnemelksloot (Buttermilk Ditch, BdG). People are telling us that batteries and gun platforms are being erected, so that we are in high hopes of Naarden being assaulted soon.

Wednesday 15 December. There have been a few discharges of cannon and muskets, but otherwise nothing noteworthy happened today.

Thursday 16 December. At the break of dawn the Prussian Uhlans left for Utrecht. The Cossacks are still camped out here, but their numbers have diminished somewhat. Again there has been some fire of cannon and muskets, but otherwise nothing much happened today. It is said that Naarden will be laid under artillery fire tonight, but people do talk so much, and so much of it is mere rumour, that we can believe nothing, and must doubt everything we hear , no matter how certain the speaker is of what he says. If my memory serves me right, I will write down here a sample of all the rumours that I have heard today alone. Time alone will tell which of these rumours were actually true. It was stated and ascertained that: the battery at the Karnemelksloot was taken by Dutch troops, and that they had taken all 12 pieces of artillery that were in it; Ditto, only 6 pieces of artillery; Ditto and 3 pieces of artillery; Ditto and not a single piece of artillery taken; that the battery was left by the Dutch again yesterday, and was retaken by the French; that there is great lack of everything within Naarden; that the French in Naarden are well-provisioned; that everyone is free to leave Naarden if they wish, provided they don’t take anything outside of the fortress; that absolutely nobody is allowed to leave Naarden; that the Commandant and the garrison would be more than happy to surrender if their lives were to be spared; that they are not contemplating surrender at all; that this afternoon a skirmish had taken place at Bussum, and that 40 Dutch troops had been killed or wounded; that none had been killed and only two wounded; that 3 Dutch soldiers were taken captive by the French, and had been murdered; that the French had taken a Cossack captive two days ago; that two Cossacks were captured; that the captured Cossack was being treated very badly; that the captive Cossack had been set upon by the French like a pack of lions, and that they had torn him apart; that they had skinned him alive; that the Dutch had been disarmed and been put in the church as captives; that the General had resigned his command; that today horses had been pressed into service at Loosdrecht to transport cannon to Naarden; that howitzers and mortars had been placed at Crailoo near Naarden, according to some even as close as the long bridge of the outer fortifications; that Gorinchem was taken by assault last Monday at 3 o’clock; that Antwerp had switched sides; etcetera etcetera. So many old wives’ tales, the first even more officious than the next, all contradicting each other, make us wonder what to believe as truth. Everything that is happening around Naarden, even as much as an hour’s distance, we can only verify through the official newspapers, coming from Amsterdam, taking a detour of at least nine hours.

Friday 17 December. Nothing happened today. Apart from the fact that the Cossacks are still camping here and are costing us a lot of money, nothing is being done about Naarden. When that dreadful place will finally be taken care of, only Heaven knows, but at the moment nothing seems to be happening. The Amsterdam and Haarlem Courants (newspapers) may well state that 2000 Prussians with artillery have arrived, but as we haven’t seen a single one of them yet, they can’t be much help. The battery at Karnemelksloot was taken by the Dutch troops last Tuesday, but without any guns in it. In the evening they left it, but today they have again taken possession of it. At ‘s Graveland there are 20 Cossacks, 40 men of the Amsterdam Mounted Paid Guard (Bezoldigde Garde te Paard, this was a kind of mounted police that had been raised a few years earlier. It wore similar uniforms to the French Garde National and was paid for by the Amsterdam Municipal Council, BdG) and 100 newly enlisted troops. At the gun batteries in Bussum and at Crailoo there are 6 to 700 Dutch troops with 2 cannon, and at Laren and Huizen there are a few Cossacks. Yesterday 12 Dutchmen were injured.  

Saturday 18 December. Again nothing much happened today. The Cossacks had a big party and have been very merry and jolly all day. This last week, the number of troops surrounding Naarden has grown, and last Tuesday a true siege appeared to be starting, but since then so little has happened that it cannot be said that Naarden’s surrender seems anymore likely now than it did 8 days ago. How we wish things will be altered in another week’s time! The Commandant of Naarden is Quetard de la Porte. Towards Flanders, the Allies are advancing rapidly, and large parts of our country have been liberated, but to our regrets nothing has been heard so far about the advance of the main Allied army across the Rhine, or the arrival of Blucher and Bernadotte with their armies.

Sunday 19 December. It has been as quiet as the last few days today, with only four or five shots from the artillery. We have some hopes that the Cossacks will leave soon. A number of our men have been pressed to work on siege works close to Naarden.

Monday 20 December. Nothing to report. Again. The pressed men have thrown up three small fieldworks between the gate at Naarden and the inn of Jan Tabak. They weren’t allowed to speak or even cough, on pain of severe punishment. It is said that the Cossacks will leave tomorrow.

Tuesday 21 December.  Before non some shots had already been fired. At ‘s Graveland two barracks are being erected. At 9.30 in the morning, all citizens under 60 were requested to be present at the local court, armed. A large number of them did in fact appear, carrying weapons of all sorts. The officer of the Amsterdam Mounted Paid Guard, who were stationed at ‘s Graveland, had arrived in our town, and in a somewhat stunted speech tried to make clear to us that all our people able to bear arms were to be called upon to fight, together with all the other people of the Gooi region, and all the military troops stationed there, when the French were to make a sortie from Naarden. To this end, the Landstorm was to be organised. After this speech, everyone returned home. The old saying in these regions goes: If you cry often enough that Easter is near, it will eventually be. And this has now come to pass. To our great joy, it was an often repeated tale that the Cossacks would soon be leaving, especially when a number of them arrived from Weesp. As these men departed for Bussum i as soon as they’d arrived here, our hopes were dashed, but at one o’clock my brother-in-law Vlaanderen got an order that he was to deliver a man and a horse to the Groest square immediately. I received permission to be the man, and rode the horse to the Groest square as fast as I could, where I met Mr Sikkema, who was to be my travel companion, along with three farmers and their carts, and we received orders from the commander that we were to leave for Amersfoort. We assumed that we were to leave immediately, but no, instead of 1.30 in the afternoon it became 4.30 before we finally left, as a number of patrols still had to come in. After some dreadful boredom, we now had the pleasure of leaving the town at the head of 400 Cossacks, being waved goodbye by almost all inhabitants of the village. I hoped that Sikkema and I, the two guides, were to remain together, but just after we had left our town, I was ordered forward with some ten Cossacks to be the advance guard of the column, whilst my companion remained with the main part of the Regiment. This made me more than a little nervous. As soon as we had reached the Lage Vuursche, it began to become dark. I wasn’t sure about which road to follow, but I was sure that I was surrounded by a bunch of Cossacks who would more than likely maltreat me if I got lost, and who were very merry but also very unpredictable and slightly dangerous pranksters. One of them already seemed very interested in obtaining my horse, and was pointing at it and speaking to his friends about it. But as I could do little to change the state of things, I tried not to worry, and my worries were further lessened when the sergeant in command gave the most unruly trooper of the bunch a damn good thrashing, which I enjoyed immensely. When we rode into Soestdijk, the whole troop, including myself, was singing. Having arrived at Soestdijk, I tried my best to procure a new guide to take my place, but my efforts were in vain, and we had to move on. When next we arrived at Soest, I was very near to becoming lost in the darkness. We pressed to farmers to accompany us, and by their help and good fortune we stayed on the right road, and arrived at Amersfoort around seven o’clock in the evening. Here I waited for my companion to arrive with the rest of the Regiment. But still our wanderings weren’t over: we had to accompany the Cossacks to their camp outside the gates. Then, finally, we were given permission to leave, and we returned to Amersfoort. At the City Hall, I tried my best to get a ration ticket in order to eat and drink something, but to no avail. After having fed our horses, we got into the saddle again at 8.30 and arrived home around 11 at night, amidst our joyful family, who had no idea where I was at that time. There had been a new moon that night, but the weather had been favourable.

Wednesday 22 December. Early in the morning we heard gunfire. Around 10 o’clock J. van R., G. Van R., G.D. and I left to see what was going on. Near Trompenberg we heard gunfire so fast and vivid as we hadn’t heard before. At Bussum and Crailoo we saw herds of cattle being driven from the area. We moved on and arrived at the entrance of Bussum, where we found some infirm people and women hiding behind some stacks of wood. We wanted to enter the village, but as the villagers were being pressed to carry the wounded and injured to safety, we thought the better of it and skirted the village to the side of the hill where we had been last week. We listened to the gunfire for half an hour until it started to slacken, then decided it was safe to enter the village, and went tom eet Mr Hoogbruin there. He told us the French had been out in force and had marched on Bussum, but the Dutch troops and the Cossacks had made a stand at the Swan inn (‘t Zwaantje, BdG), and the French had been forced to retreat. Across from the baker’s shop three Dutchmen had been killed by grapeshot fired from the cannon on the walls of Naarden, just moments before we’d arrived. We saw them lying there, they had been hit in a nasty and ugly way. They were lying in pools of their own blood, and I picked up one of the grapeshot bullets that had hit them. Two Cossacks have been killed, as well as one of their horses, and a horse of the Amsterdam Mounted Paid Guard. There is talk of a number of injured and wounded. Three persons in Dutch service have defected to the French and have returned with them to Naarden. One dead Frenchman was found, but all of their wounded they have taken with them back to Naarden. At two o’clock in the afternoon we arrived back home and found around twenty Russian wagons, with accompanying Russian guards, who are to spend the night here.

Thursday 23 December. The Russian wagons have left for Amsterdam. In the afternoon some 20 Cossacks arrived here. The attack of the French on Breda, and their forces in Antwerp make us a little uneasy, and we are anxiously awaiting further news.

Friday 24 December. The annoying Cossacks have left again. A man from Hilversum named Dirk de Boer made his escape from Naarden yesterday. We visited him this morning to see if he had any further information. He was a labourer, and was forced to chop wood outside the fortress daily, accompanied by a guard. Yesterday he and a man from Laren escaped through the dense undergrowth. He estimated the garrison to be about 1000 men. The general had given over the command to somebody else. The French really did not like going out on sorties at all. Last Wednesday nine of them had been wounded, of which one had already died. Much was taken from the civilians, and only the soldiers had any alcoholic drink left. The meal and flour he estimated to run out in about five weeks. All of the meat that had been put in barrels for preservation was spoiled and rotten, but there were still 100 cows alive. There was almost no tobacco left, nor lamp oil, although salt was still in pretty good supply. Soap was being sold at (illegible) the pound, and many inhabitants and soldiers were crawling with vermin. Sides of bacon were being sold at 16 florins, and there was no vinegar to be had. Some horses in the city had been pressed into service to form a provisional cavalry unit. There were very few Dutchmen left in the ranks, but many Germans. In Hilversum, the decrees on the formation of the Landstorm and Landmilitie have been made known, and every Dutchman acknowledges the need and inevitability to serve his country.

Saturday 25 December. Christmas Day. Today 400 Cossacks passed through here, coming from Weesp, towards Amersfoort and on to Emmerik. Yesterday some cavalry and infantry reinforcements arrived at ‘s Graveland. A bridge has been laid across the Luie Gat ditch. It appears certain that a number of letters from the Commandant of Naarden have been received. Some officers have placed bets that Naarden will surrender before 2 March, others to the contrary. Only time will tell us. Some - and more than a few - pro-French persons in the area are gaining in courage. This goes to the extent that one of them thought, and said, that the Russian wagons that had passed through here couldn’t pass through the north of the country anymore. The reasons for their damned hope are the fact that the main Allied Armies are not advancing on Holland, the very few reports we are receiving on the progress of the great Allied army on the Rhine, the fact that the Cossacks are withdrawing to Amersfoort rather than march south, the attack of the French on Breda and their great force there, and the recent decree to call out the Landstorm, a desperate measure. This makes them long for those ‘sweet’ Frenchmen, who have always, but especially at their departure, shown that they really have our best interests at heart. Time, we pray, will shame them and their hopes. So many wonders, so many events in which nobody can deny the intervention of the Almighty, cannot have happened in vain. The Allies, who have fought with such determination and perseverance, will not crumble or weaken so easily, now that their continued attempts have met with such success. And the many peoples who have now been released from the French yoke will show that they will give everything to maintain and make complete their liberty. The watchword therefore is Courage, even if we cannot make everything into the way we would like, even when not all goes according to our wishes. 

Sunday 26 December. Nothing important happened today. French stockmarket papers are back at 100 percent. Some Roman Catholic misfits have had the audacity to go into a public house, tear some orange cockades from some hats and throw them into the fire. A Jansenite who was with them swallowed his cockade. Also, the orange flag has been taken from the Jansenite Church, and it was taken down from the Roman Catholic Church some days ago. And now we hear rumours That Austria has dropped out of the Coalition, and that 30.000 French troops have re-crossed the Rhine. Oh, the French weather is looking up!

Monday 27 December. In the afternoon we had a moment of joy. From here, we could see the Church tower of Naarden, and from what we could discern, we thought that the Dutch flag was flying from the tower, and so that the fortress had surrendered. The whole village was in an uproar, all coming out to see what was happening. I immediately rode to Bussum, but everything there was the same as last week, and we could now make out that it was the French flag that was flying over Naarden. Most likely they’re having a celebration of some kind. At Bussum I found my old school friend Blijenberg, who is a Lieutenant with the volunteers.

Tuesday 28 December. Nothing happened.

Wednesday 29 December. Ditto (nothing happened). In the evening we heard a strong gunfire in the distance. The news that Denmark has joined the Allies gives us much courage.

Thursday 30 December.  At seven o’clock in the morning I rode to Amsterdam. After some difficulty with the guards at the city gate I entered the city, and heard that the Hereditary Prince (of Orange, BdG) was expected there that day. I waited and saw His Majesty enter through the Kalverstraat. Shortly after, it became too dark to see anything properly. His Highness just returned from an inspection of the troops at ‘s Graveland and Bussum.

Friday 31 December. At half seven in the morning I saw the Hereditary Prince from up close, on the parade. At 2 o’clock in the afternoon I rode back home, arriving there around six in the afternoon, as the weather was very foggy and the road very slippery. On my way home I was asked for my pass by suspicious guards no less than six times! At Weesp there were 400 Amsterdam citizen militia, at Uitermeer and by the mill there 300 more, at Ankeveen there was a detachment of the Landstorm, and at ‘s Graveland and the other villages surrounding Naarden such as Huizen, Bussum etc around 1000 Dutch troops, now armed with 6 to 8 cannon and howitzers. Around 11 o’clock at night we heard a very loud crash and bang, as the Dutch troops blew up the Galgebrug (Gallow Bridge, BdG) near Naarden, along with its trestles. Over the last two days nothing much has happened at Hilversum itself, although an hour after the Prince had left Bussum after his inspection on Thursday, a shot from a Naarden howitzer damaged a house there.

Saturday 1 January 1814. This year opens with many happy prospects, but we have much left to wish for. May it please the Heaven to 

Albertus Perk - Diary of 1813-1814 - Part 1

This translation of Albertus Perk's diary has been kindly provided by Bas de Groot, who has translated and edited it from the original manuscript preserved with the Regionaal Archief Gooi en Vechtstreek (http://gooienvechthistorisch.nl/).

Albertus Perk later in his life
Albertus Perk was born in Hilversum, a town roughly 35 kilometres south-east of Amsterdam, in 1795, just three months after the French had invaded the northern Netherlands. He died there in 1880. He was born in a wealthy family, the son of a notary, and went on to become a very influential man himself in later life. In 1816, just 21 years old, he was already Town Clerk and Receiver of the Revenue for the Town of Hilversum. In 1820 he became a notary himself, like his father before him. In 1840 he became a Member of the Provincial States of the province of North-Holland, and in 1854 he was elected alderman in his home Town of Hilversum, which post he retained until his death. And next to father of 14 children to his two subsequent wives, and a keen and productive local and regional historian, he was also the Secretary of the “Erfgooiers”, a powerful agrarian collective which managed large tracts of agricultural lands in the region.

In 1813, however, Albertus Perk was just 18 years old. He had lived through turbulent times, but in a protected environment, free from the direct horrors of war. This resonates in his diary, which every now and then shows him to be an inquisitive, care-free, even gossipy youth. A youth who did not shirk from his duty to protect his home and hearth when faced with French raids from Naarden-based Imperial troops, however.

Naarden was one of the last fortresses in the Netherlands which remained in French hands throughout 1813 and early 1814, until well after Napoleon’s abdication. Only on 12 May 1814 did the town’s commander, General de Brigade Jacques Quetard de la Porte, whose second-in-command Colonel Jean Falba was the infamous commander of the troops responsible for the Woerden Massacre on 24 November 1813, finally surrender the fortress. He had held out with a garrison of over 2,000 men, but had had to deal with a number of desertions, as part of his troops consisted of Dutchmen and Germans in French service. Especially the Dutch of his Garde National units, and the Germans of the 4ème Régiment Etrangers were prone to leaving their Eagles at every opportunity. Nevertheless, after Quetard de la Porte, who had been the fortress’ commander since at least 1812, had given over the more direct command of the defense of Naarden to Colonel Falba, Falba remained an assertive defender, keeping his German and Dutch troops in check with his French and sending his troops on no less than 26 sorties between 8 December 1813 and 15 March 1814, the main goal of which was to bring fresh supplies of food and fuel into the fortress. This remained fairly easy to do, as most of the troops surrounding the fortress were hardly experienced fighting material. The first troops to arrive at Naarden were, like in many other places, patrols of Cossacks. At a number of places in the Netherlands, like Gorinchem and Delfzijl, these were then replaced by Prussian and Russian army units, who participated in sieges of those places, providing a backbone for the hastily created Dutch Landstorm (local militia) units. But in the case of Naarden, few Allied troops were committed, leaving it up to newly raised Dutch regular army units and the Landstorm to blockade the fortress. The Landstorm was called up in December 1813, and consisted of the male population of the country between the ages of 18 and 45, who were to be armed in any way possible, notably with pikes and fowling pieces. Overall, their fighting capabilities were very limited, and when not stiffened with professional troops they were prone to routing in combat, and desertion. Nevertheless, on a number of occasions they were able to make the life of the French commander difficult, and their very existence did much to encourage their compatriots within Naarden to desert to the Allies, leaving Quetard de la Porte and Falba with an ever dwindling garrison. 
After a summary of recent events in the Netherlands and Europe in general, Perk starts his diary on 10 November 1813.

Wednesday evening 10th of November, we were informed by channels from Utrecht and Amsterdam that seemed trustworthy, that the country had gone over to the Allies, that there was to be no fighting, and that the French would have leave the country before 15 November. This rumour made us rejoice extremely, as we would be in dire straits if the French did resist. The proximity of Naarden fortress, which had been fortified with casemates not long before and was one of the strongest in the country, made us worry about a siege that would affect us all.

Thursday 11th of November we received intelligence that in Amersfoort the signposts of the customs officials had been torn down, that French officials had left that city, and that orange cockades were being worn. Rumour had it that the Russians were at Arnhem. Nobody knew of any French troops between here and there, and so all expected the Allies to be here soon, and the French to be overthrown.

Friday the 12th, people at Eemnes were sure that they would see Russian troops enter their village, and the rumours of a French Capitulation were confirmed by everyone we spoke to.

Saturday the 13th I was at Loenen, and heard there that the Emperor had been stabbed to death at Mainz. This rumour was repeated in Hilversum, but with slight variations. The Receiver of Revenues, Degottal, mocked the Cossacks, however, and told us that the French would be returning here shortly.

Sunday the 14th it was widely mentioned that Napoleon had been captured, along with 8 Senators, and that Holland had been given over to the Allies. The Sub-Prefect made a proclamation at Eemnes, however, that there was no Capitulation, that 10,000 French troops would shortly be arriving in the cities along the IJssel river, and that Napoleon was in Paris.

Monday the 15th we were told by persons coming from Amsterdam that the French had left that city, and that the Prince (they mean Charles-François Lebrun, duc de Plaisance, BdG) would be leaving that day. The Prefect (de Celles, BdG) was sick, the Emperor was said to be declared insane, and the Russians were supposed to be at Harderwijk.

Tuesday November 16th. The old rumours were repeated until the afternoon. The paper stated that the enemy (the Allies, Bdg) had tried to attack Deventer on the 12th, but had been beaten back by General Schinner (?). In the evening, Mr De Vries came from Amsterdam, and brought us the news that all the French were gone from there, that the guard houses of the Douane were being burned, that everyone was wearing orange cockades, but that most of the population was carrying on in an orderly fashion. He also brought a rumour that the English had landed at Zandvoort with the Prince of Orange at their head. Another person who arrived today mentioned that he had seen the Russians passing through Deventer on Sunday the 14th, and that they were now at Niekerk.

Wednesday 17 November. Nothing special happened until late in the evening, when the trekschuit (a flat-bottomed horse-drawn boat that was used for public transport and postal services, BdG) arrived. It carried a letter from Amsterdam, reporting the death of 4 people, and the plundering of houses and property by the common people. We also got our hands on the first, new, Amsterdamsche Courant, which was very sought after, and read to one and all. It contained the names of the Provisional Government, as well as a number of proclamations, mostly asking for the people to remain calm and peaceful. Several circumstances were mentioned that seemed to imply that indeed a treaty had been signed to safeguard Holland from further violence, but everything remained murky, and we were left wondering, insecure about our future fate and future developments, but we remained hopeful, and the first ray of freedom arising flickers in our eyes. Oh, our bards, Loots and Helmers may yet have spoken the truth in their lofty verses. Heaven provide that it is so.

Thursday 18 November. This morning I rode to Loenen, to conclude our business with the Receiver of Revenues. Instead of finding him mocking the Allies, I found him packing his belongings and getting ready to move within the next two or three days. In Loosdrecht I encountered the first people who were openly wearing orange cockades and ribbons, but it was far from common to do so yet. Nothing else in this place spoke of rebellion or an uprising. The Maire together with the most respectable citizens had drawn up a number of measures to keep the peace, and we sincerely hope they will be effective. Amsterdam is reported to have quietened down.

Friday 19 November. I went to Naarden this morning, accompanied by my friend Hendrik van Veerssen, and it seemed like they were in earnest in preparing the defences. From all sides Douanes and other French employees are arriving here, where they are armed and put to work. Yesterday, the city was declared to be formally under siege, and under martial law. Just as we were leaving, the commanding general, a grey-haired Frenchman, was making his rounds. It is now difficult to enter Naarden. Nevertheless, it was said that the Prince of Orange had ordered a proclamation to be read in his name that very day.

Saturday 20 November. The proclamation I mentioned yesterday has been published in Amsterdam, and has found its way here as well. In Leiden, Haarlem and another city the city councils have been replaced. It is rumoured that the East India Company will be restored. But the Emperor has sent out a decree about certain matters in Holland as recent as 11 November, and has made a speech in the Senate on the 15th that gave not a single hint about any treaty. The Duc de Plaisance has stated to the French officials that 10.000 French troops are approaching the river Lek, and the defences of Naarden are being strengthened daily. This continual state of rumours and counter-rumours stating this or that, relieving or increasing fears, is exhausting. We hear of no fights, we don’t hear anything about approaching troops or negotiations, and have no clue as to how everything is proceeding.

Sunday 21 November. No news.

Monday 22 November. Around 10 o’clock in the morning I arrived in Amsterdam, and found all the rumours that I had heard to be true. It was a strange sensation for me, to be walking in a city that had cast off its yoke and was truly free from French rule. I was told here that 4.000 French troops had arrived at Utrecht, and there was an increasing fear that the French would return. As we were leaving the city, we saw thirty soldiers arrive with all their accoutrements, led by three Amsterdam gentlemen on horseback. In the evening, we met some more near Ankeveen. Like the first ones we’d seen, they were going over from the French side to the Dutch in Amsterdam. They were mostly Germans in French service. Yet our prospects have not improved very much. At night in Hilversum I heard of an official communiqué, stating that the Russians were at Apeldoorn.

Tuesday 23 November. In the afternoon around 500 men, Douanes and men from the Regiment Etrangers passed through Hilversum towards Utrecht. This raised our spirits, as we hoped this foreboded the evacuation of Naarden by the French. Mr J.R. Das, who had been at Utrecht, reported that there were no more than 800 Frenchmen in that city. My brother-in-law, Lourens Vlaanderen, returned from Amersfoort, telling us that eleven Cossacks had been seen resting no more than an hour’s distance from that city, but that they had been overpowered at Niekerk by the Amersfoort garrison. Lourens had seen the garrison return: 200 men, triumphantly bringing with them 5 Cossacks, horses, and 2 pikes. All day there has been gunfire. It is said to emanate from Gorinchem. The Decree of the mass conscription of 300.000 men has been declared, nobody believes that Holland will be surrendred without a fight anymore. But there is more hope of liberation than there was yesterday. The Russians are at Elburg and Apeldoorn. The garde champetre (regional/country policeman, BdG) of ‘s Graveland, who had cried Oranje Boven in the presence of the Council and the Maire, has been taken to Utrecht by 3 gens d’armes this morning.

Wednesday 24 November.  Early in the morning, while we were at breakfast, Mr J.R. Das arrived, and told us that he had met a Cossack during the night, who had lost his way. Mr Das had sent him with a guide to Baarn, to take him across the bridge over the river Eem to Niekerk. Although we accepted the fact that the Cossack had lost his way, we were nevertheless perplexed, as we had thought them to be at Elburg that night. But very soon we discovered to our amazement that during the night some hundreds of Cossacks had followed the Hessian Road through our village towards Amsterdam. We simply could not believe it, but the flattened and trodden state of the road, and numerous reliable witnesses confirmed the story. Also, the Cossack who had spent the night here, when leaving the village, had taken the road towards Amsterdam, which he knew to take from the marks his countrymen had left behind. As we were discussing all this amongst ourselves, lo! We were surprised by a full dozen Cossacks. They asked us for directions to Amsterdam and Utrecht, and how many French were there, after which they went on their way. How unexpected was this arrival of the Russians as much as it was hoped for! We had not expected them for another four days at least. Now one and all became more cheerful, expecting the advance guard soon to be followed by larger numbers of troops. In the afternoon we headed for Baarn, but found no Russians there. Between nine and ten in the evening the church bells rang from the direction of Utrecht and Loosdrecht, but we couldn’t discover what caused it.

Thursday 25 November. Early in the morning, I rode over to Loosdrecht to find out what had been happening the previous night that had caused the bells to toll, and found that it was nothing more than a few bad and disorderly revellers, who had been feasting to their heart’s content. In the afternoon Mr J. van R. and I visited the widow Dulman, where we witnessed the ill-judged actions of the people of Loosdrecht, which were fired up and pushed on by a rum customer calling himself their Captain. Hearing that the French were still occupying Loenen, they had raised the drawbridge on that side of the village, and posted a guard consisting of four men. We wore orange cockades and ribbons openly for the first time, but a group of women thought the ribbons weren’t ostentatious enough, and badgered us about it. We made our way through them, and after having carefully avoided the zealous captain and his cronies, we left this raucous village without any further hindrance. After arriving at home, we were alarmed once more, hearing French and Cossack musket fire close by as they clashed at Eemnes. And the same evening we received word that the French still occupied Amersfoort, and that they had retaken Woerden, and had ransacked and pillaged that place in a barbarous manner. All this made us very uneasy.

Friday 26 November. At nine o’clock this morning, J. van R., my brothers and I left for Eemnes in order to obtain intelligence about yesterday’s affair. In this effort we succeeded splendidly, and we were able to note down the following details. We noted 13 trees that were hit by musket balls, some in as much as three places. A fence had been pierced by a bullet, and the great wooden door of a shed next to the post office as well, after which that particular ball had also pierced the opposite door, which was 14 feet away, and had shattered the rear leg of one of the Cossack’s horses. We heard here that Baarn had been abandoned by the Cossacks, and that the French still held Amersfoort. When we were back in Hilversum in the forenoon, a proclamation by the Maire and Council was read, requesting everyone to gather at the church square whenever  the small church bell tolled and carry out any further commands of the Council, in order to be able to deport any mischief makers when they came to disturb the peace. Our town differed in that respect from many in the neighbourhood: in Loosdrecht, Tienhoven, Kortenhoef and ‘s Graveland the national colours were hung from the church towers, the church bells tolled continuously, everyone was ordered to wear orange decorations, and one was mistreated if he or she did not. With Naarden still occupied by French troops, and no Allied troops at hand, this was a most unwise course of action. Our town remained peaceful, however, and its citizens both generous and determined, which was to be praised. How much it was to be praised became clear later that afternoon, when all of Loosdrecht, only so recently so passionate and courageous, shook and shuddered with fear when a French army of seven men entered it. This army made flag bearers into flag removers, stopped the bells from tolling, made orange ribbons and decorations disappear, made the noble citizens cower in their homes and the surrounding villages stop their revelries with a haste that showed their embarrassment. And all the while Hilversum did not have to explain anything, nor retract any hasty declarations, and was as peaceful in the presence of the Cossacks as it was in the presence of the French.

Saturday 27 November. In the morning I left through Loosdrecht for Loenen on horseback, but as the drawbridge on the Bloklaan hadn’t been lowered yet, I had to make a detour over Vreeland, even though peace had returned to Loosdrecht. The Receivers of Revenue Degottal and Dupont had left on Wednesday. The French that had occupied Loenen had withdrawn to the Fort at Nieuwersluis, where there were around 150 troops present. During their time in Loenen, they had terrified the inhabitants, threatening to plunder the community and mistreat its members, which they accused of rebellion. It came as no surprise, therefore, that the inhabitants still lived in frightful apprehension. The bridge across the river Vecht was raised, and near the Fort at Nieuwersluis the road had been dug up. At Loenen, I first read the original Proclamation of the Provisional Administration, but as proclamations in themselves rarely have any lasting effects, this could not encourage us. Our situation is really unenviable, the Russians are taking their time in advancing through the country. They have withdrawn from Baarn, and we hear nothing of any Allied army coming our way. Deventer is still in French hands, in Zwolle there are preciously few friendly troops. The French are hanging on, and everywhere they are, they conduct themselves brutally and unpredictably. Naarden is still occupied, and is being strengthened daily. A week has passed and we have not seen any improvement in our hopes of liberation or conditions. Napoleon will not have rested this last week. He will have improved his dispositions, and if he were to return with his army, even for a short period of time, we will all suffer like the poor wretches of Woerden did. Just a week ago, we said to ourselves: in eight days we’ll know more, no uncertainty can last that long. But nothing has progressed, and what will have changed in another eight days? Our prospects are bleak.

Sunday 28 November. After Church we received a number of newspapers that cheered us up. Hamburg had capitulated. But our joy was short-lived. Whilst eating our lunch, we heard a constant tramp of feet. I went out to see what was happening, and saw that more than a hundred Frenchmen from Naarden were now posted near our village. They took up posts at all the exits of the village, so that nobody could either enter or leave, sent out patrols through the village and the Garde Soldee was riding around in a fury. All of this disconcerted us greatly, and some people started to gather their belongings, as if to leave. It did not end in violence, however. An officer and thirty men entered the village and demanded that 100 blankets, three wagons filled with straw and some stoves be handed to them immediately. The people in the village started getting together these goods while the soldiers went to the Maire’s house and took all of his wine, jenever and bread, and from the Maire’s brother they took all his tobacco. The officer enquired after the town’s money-box, but didn’t wait for it to be delivered to him. When the required goods were ready and waiting for them, the wagons and soldiers left for Naarden around half three in the afternoon, as well as the guards at the exits of the town, which had only served to secure the French from a sudden Cossack raid. In the afternoon, J. van R. and I went to ‘s Graveland, and there we heard the news that Utrecht had been left by its French occupants around half four that morning, and that at one in the afternoon forty Cossacks had entered that city. Nieuwersluis and its fort had also been left by the French. Our hearts were greatly lifted by this news, and even though we had been scared that morning, we were now more hopeful than ever that we wouldn’t be seeing the French return again. The only thing we have left to fear is the garrison of Naarden, which is left on its own, and can still make sorties, maltreat us, and draw us into fights when the fortress is laid under siege. Fortunately, there are few troops in it at present, but enough to make our town’s citizens’ life living hell. We were assured that this night a single Cossack has arrived to claim the fortress for the Allies. Would that he succeeded! But the garrison of Amersfoort is marching for Naarden, and has plundered the post house at Eemnes whilst marching through there. Amersfoort is now occupied by Russian soldiers.         

Monday 29 November. Around ten o’clock in the morning I rode to Loosdrecht and returned with .... [illegible]. Cossacks have marched through Loenen to Amsterdam. All day long we feared another ‘visit’ from Naarden, but nothing happened. Around four in the afternoon a Cossack passed through, on his way to Utrecht from Laren, where around 20 of them are camped.

Tuesday 30 November.  Very early in the morning Lourens Vlaanderen came in to tell us that a party of Cossacks had arrived from the direction of Utrecht last night around midnight, and had now made camp in front of the Maire’s house. We immediately went out to have a look, and found around 25 Cossacks lying down around a large fire. Their horses were tied to the trees that surrounded them. Their commander was tall, handsome fellow, 29 years old, born on the borders of Asia. At the request of some people from ‘s Graveland, seven Cossacks had been detached to that place, where the villagers had kept watch all through last night, armed with pitchforks. The villagers of Kortenhoef had done the same. We now heard the rumour that the French from Naarden were plundering Weesp. Although this rumour turned out to be false, they did requisition a frightful amount of food and goods, after which they retired to Naarden. Around 2 o’ clock in the afternoon, a half-dressed man from Bussum stumbled into the village, telling how the French were plundering Bussum, and that he had just barely managed to escape. Our Cossacks immediately took to their horses, followed by a large number of onlookers from our side. As soon as the Cossacks, who had united with the band from Laren, approached Bussum, the French began to retire towards Naarden, even though they outnumbered the Cossacks by at least 100 men. Shots were fired in Bussum, wounding one of our Cossacks in the knee, and one of their horses in the belly. Two Dutchmen deserted the French and came over to our side. When the French had retired to Naarden, the Cossacks withdrew to Hilversum. In Bussum, the French had plundered the Roman Church, the vicar’s house, 2 or 3 large farmhouses, had threatened to pillage even more, had stolen 2 horses and 70 cows, and had put everyone in a state of great fear and anxiety. We in Hilversum likewise fear for another attack by the French from Naarden, as the garrison in our town is but small, and so the order has been given that in case of the alarm bell ringing, every villager is to turn out at once, armed with whatever he can find. There has been much firing of cannon and small arms this afternoon, rumour has it from the direction of Arnhem (Perk is correct, Arnhem was stormed and taken by General Bulow on this day, BdG). Now, around 10 o’clock at night, the Cossacks are lying by their horses. They have set up three small posts, each of three men, just outside the village. This afternoon the Cannon of Naarden have fired their first shot.


Thursday, October 17, 2013

Napoleon and General Mack at Ulm, 1805

Excerpt from the conversation Napoleon had with General Mack in the aftermath of Austrian surrender at Ulm on 19 October 1805:

Napoleon: How could you be so stubborn as to hold out in this miserable fortress of Ulm, which does not even deserve to be called a fortress? It is indefensible, and you wanted to resist my whole army. For my forces are vastly superior in numbers. Together with the Bavarian army, they amount to more than 200,000 men.

Mack: I beg Your Majesty's pardon. You have only 140,000 men, and that is almost twice the number I could pit against you.

Napoleon: Now let us add it up together: I have one hundred seventy battalions here, each of a thousand men, with a cavalry of more than 20,000 men. My [Imperial] Guard is eight thousand strong and there are also 20,000 Bavarians.

Mack: Your Majesty's battalions have only five or six hundred men each, and your forces cannot amount to more than 140,000 men at the most.

Napoleon: How do you know the strength of my battalions?

Mack: Precisely the same way Your Majesty knows the strength of ours: I had them counted when they passed the Rhine.

Napoleon: Well, I will admit they have only six hundred men, which is their peacetime strength. But the others will arrive here presently, and my Army of Brest, under Marshal Augereau, will join the Grande Armée.

Mack: It is said that Your Majesty has troops marching through Switzerland, whose neutrality we have respected.

Napoleon: I have not recognized its neutrality, therefore I have a right to enter its territory.

Mack: Ah! We are always the dupes of our good faith, of our own credulity! It is a very sad, a very unfortunate thing! And in the same way Your Majesty has violated the neutrality of Prussia, thus gaining eight days in effecting the junction of your forces with Bernadotte's troops and the Bavarian army. This premature junction gave you the opportunity to crush us - and yet, if I had wished to violate Prussian territory, I could easily have cut off the Bavarian retreat.

Napoleon (smiling): Why did not you do it then?

Mack: The King of Prussia had declared his neutrality, and he threatened to take up arms against anyone who dares to violate it.

Napoleon: Oh! That is why you did not do it... But tell me please - and be frank -  why do we wage this war?

Mack: Sire, you know it better than me. It is Your Majesty who started the hostilities.

Napoleon: What!? It is you who have invaded the state of my ally the Elector of Bavaria.

Mack: Sire, we did not know that he was your ally.

Napoleon: Come on! Count Cobenzl knows about it for two years.

Mack: For last few months I met Count Cobenzl almost every day. We discussed Bavaria and I was convinced that there might be a secret alliance [between Bavaria and France], but [Cobenzl] had not the slightest knowledge about it. Prince Schwarzenberg and I also had no information about this issue. If elector Bavaria, instead of lying, resorting to deception and betrating Prince Schwarzenberg, had revealed a formal treaty of alliance with Your Majesty, Prince Schwarzenberg would have undoubtedly thought over [Austria's next move]. I would have been warned. I would have stopped the advance of my troops and sent a letter to Vienna. And yet here is the result of the infamous conduct of the elector, or rather, of his abominable Minister Montgelas!

Napoleon: It is very unfortunate that England managed to win over the court of St. Petersburg which in turn convinced you with its insinuations and promises.

Mack: Sire, we have resisted all calls for war as long as we could. But Your Majesty had some 70,000 men threatening our Italian provinces. We were threatened on all sides and had to take necssary measures to defend ourselves.



[From Mack's unpublished notes in A. Chuquet, Inédits napoléoniens (Paris: Fontemoing, 1919), II, 14-16.

Tuesday, October 8, 2013

Thomas Bugeaud, On March to Austria, 1805

“My Dear Love,

I only rested one day at Strasbourg  we crossed the Rhine, and made forced marches that have wearied us very much. We depart very early every day, and do not stop till night. The entire army marches with the same vigor, and our little man [notre petit homme, i.e. Napoleon] leads the ship with astonishing speed. Good feet are need to keep up with the activity of his mind. You can judge of the speed of our march when you know that we have gone eighty leagues [~400 km] in a week, a great deal for loaded troops; for besides our packs we also carry on our backs all our campaigning kit - kettles, canteens, picks, spades, etc.

I am absolutely tired out, and cannot imagine bow the body can endure such constant fatigue. Again, if we had but a good bed when we get to our quarters; but not a bit of it, we only have a little straw, and even that after three or four hours delay. So we frequently  have to simply lie in the open round a fire. Hunger is another tyrant. You can imagine whether ten thousand men coming into a village can easily find anything to eat. What distresses me more is the annoyance of stealing from the peasantry; their poultry, their bacon, their firewood, taken from them freely or by force. I do not do these things, but when I am very hungry I surreptitiously tolerate them and eat my share of the stolen goods. All this plainly shows that hitherto I have only seen the rosy side [of the war].

But do not suppose that I am wanting in strength and courage to bear these evils, though I do seem to express disgust. On the contrary, I endure them with patience, and try to fill my place honorably. I assure you I will die or distinguish myself. I am most anxious to win the [Legion d’Honneur] – I only want an opportunity… Do not be surprised if I do not write you for a long time, perhaps two months.

Adieu, my dear Sister,
Your brother Thomas, 3rd Company, 4th Battalion, Imperial Guard, Grand Army.


[Thomas Bugeaud to Phillis De La Piconneree, Augsburg, 18 Vendemiaire, 1805, in Le maréchal Bugeaud, d'aprés sa correspondance intime et des documents inédite, ed. Henri Amédée Lelorgne Ideville (Paris, 1881), I, 70-72.]

Friday, August 16, 2013

Alexander Mikhailovskii-Danilevskii, The Journal of the 1814 Campaign - Part 3

IN PARIS AT LAST

Morning of 19 March – Caulaincourt – Emperor’s departure from Bondy – Approach to Paris – The Suburbs of Monmartre – Boulevards – Champs-Elysées – Reviews - Evening

At dawn of a beautiful morning of 19 [31] March, the generals and officers of His Majesty's suite, began to descend into the broad court before the castle of Bondy. Meeting each other shook hands and remained silent. Around 6 a.m. arrived the deputies of the municipality of Paris in their state carriages; they were in such a panic that could barely speak. They were followed by a man on horseback, who appearance was well known to us all - it was Caulaincourt, sent by Napoleon with an offer to accept the peace.  The soldier of the Life Guard Preobrazhenskii Regiment, who was standing sentry, told him he must dismount, and the French Minister was obliged to comply. On seeing the officers assembled in the court, he took off his hat, and with downcast eyes passed by us. While the Emperor was informed of his arrival, I was asked to engage him in a conversation so I requested him to walk into the castle. I must confess here that it was not without a feeling of satisfaction that I beheld the humiliation of this upstart, who, notwithstanding his sincere attachment to Emperor Alexander, and his persevering efforts to dissuade Napoleon from the war with Russia, had set no bounds to his overbearing pride while he was [the French] ambassador at St. Petersburg. The Emperor passed more than an hour with him and, judging from [Caulaincourt’s] troubled air on leaving the audience chamber, we concluded that his offers had been rejected. Precisely at eight o'clock, the Emperor mounted his horse named Mars. On the road he encountered the King of Prussia, and a little way farther, the [Russian] Guard. No pen is able to describe the enthusiasm with which he was hailed by the Guard soldiers. Some three verstas [2 miles] from the city appeared the Parisians, all asking one question, “Where is Emperor Alexander?”

The numerous edifices of Paris gradually came fully into view. Some of our officers had rode into town early in the morning with orders of different kinds, and, on their return, increased, by their accounts, our general excitement to get to the capital. All were burning with impatience to enter a city which had so long assumed the right of giving law to the world in matters of taste, fashion and enlightenment; in which were unrivaled treasures of art and science; which contained all the intricate pleasures of life; where laws were issued for nations and chains were made to enslave them; and from where armies marched to every corner of Europe. In short, the city was considered the capital of the world. To crown their two years' series of victories, nothing was wanting to the Russians but the triumphant possession of Paris. Until that moment, it was impossible to enjoy the fruits of so many bloody battles and victories gained in the last two years. Every step, which separated us from the city, prevented us from fully embracing the feeling of satisfaction that Russia was avenged. But another minute and the mighty Empire, which had extended from the Baltic Sea to the Tagus River, shaken to its very foundations, and tottering to its fall, would have crumbled. The fall of great Powers is akin to the death of great men: it leaves certain emptiness in this world and questions immediately arise of who would take up a place of the man who just passed away?

At nine o'clock in the morning we reached the suburbs of Paris. The Guard Light Cavalry Division moved first, with Leib-Cossacks at its head; the Emperor was at some distance behind it, surrounded by a brilliant suit and followed first by the grenadiers, then Guard infantry, cuirassiers and several battalions of Austrians, Prussians and Badenese. The morning was beautiful and the air was becoming clearer and crisper with every passing hour. A countless multitude crowded the streets, and the roofs and windows of the houses. At first it seemed as if the inhabitants were still under the influence of fear, for their acclamation was not general. Their puzzlement continued for a few minutes, during which they kept continually asking us and one another, "Where is the Emperor?" "There he is, there is Alexander," exclaimed they. "How graciously he nods to us; with what kindness he speaks with us!" The French, who had pictured to themselves the Russians as half-wild men, worn out by long campaigns, speaking a language altogether unknown to them, and dressed in a wild outlandish fashion, could hardly believe their eyes, when they saw the smart Russian uniforms, the glittering arms, the joyous expression of our men, their healthy countenances, and the kind deportment of the officers. Our officers’ sharp repartees in the French language completed their astonishment.  "You are not Russians," they said to us, “you are surely émigrés." A short time, however, served to convince them of the contrary, and the news of the incredible accomplishments of the conquerors flew from mouth to mouth. The praises of the Russians knew no bounds; the women from the windows and balconies welcomed us, by waving their white handkerchiefs and from one end of Paris the cry of "Long live Alexander! Long live the Russians!" was uttered by a million of voices.

In the meantime, we passed through the suburbs of Montmartre, and turned off to the right along the Boulevards, where the festive crowd soon became prodigious. Indeed, it was hardly possible to make one's way on horseback: the inhabitants kept constantly stopping our horses, and launching out in praise of Alexander, they rarely alluded to the other Allies; very rarely could one hear the shots of “Vive Francis!” or Vive Frederick!” Emboldened by the affability of Emperor [Alexander], they began to wish for a change of government and to proclaim the Bourbons; white cockades appeared in the hats, and white handkerchiefs in the air; many people, gathering around His Majesty, requesting that he would remain in France. “Reign over us," said they, " or give us a Monarch like yourself."

Passing in front of rows of magnificent buildings and monuments, erected to perpetuate the glory of the French arms, we finally reached the Champs-Elysées, where the Emperor halted and reviewed the troops which marched past him. The Parisians rushed here from every quarter, lured by the novelty of this spectacle. The French women requested us to dismount, and allow them to stand on the saddles, in order to have a better view of the Emperor. The march was opened by the Austrians. In spite of their utmost efforts of the gendarmes could contain people and the curious Parisians crowded the ranks of Austrians troops. But the moment the Russian grenadiers and Guard infantrymen appeared, the French were so struck with their truly military exterior, that they did not require even to be told to clear the way: all at once, as if by a secret unanimous consent, they retired far beyond the line traced for the spectators. They gazed, with silent admiration, on the Guard and grenadiers, and acknowledged that their army, even at the most brilliant epoch of the French Empire, was never in such order as were these two corps after three immortal campaigns.
The review ended about five o'clock in the afternoon, when His Majesty [Alexander] retired to the house of M. [Charles Maurice] Talleyrand, where he resided during the early period of his stay in Paris. A part of the troops mounted guard, and the rest took up the quarters assigned them in the town. At that moment the mob [chern’] began to insult the monuments which had been erected in honour of the previous ruler of the French. But the majority of the inhabitants still seemed lost in wonder, as if not believing what they saw with their eyes, and kept asking each other if it were really true that their conquerors were enlightened and compassionate. Is it possible, they asked, that Alexander can limit his triumph to securing the happiness of the country he has subdued? Evening at length came to give that repose which was equally necessary to the victors and the vanquished; the streets were gradually thinned of their crowds, and a general stillness ensued which was the more sensible, that during the course of the preceding days every breast had been agitated by various hopes and wishes which had been crowned by the most fortunate events. All we saw and felt was so fully equal to our expectations, that the consummation of our happiness was perfect. We were left powerless out of happiness.

I could not sleep that night. Around midnight I went into the street; there was no one there. Near the house where the Emperor had taken up his abode, was posted a battalion of the Life Guard Preobrazhenskii Regiment, while His Majesty's company occupied the yard. All lights were extinguished. No light could be seen in the Tuilleries Palace either. This ancient edifice, which served as the palace for the Bourbons, the assembly place of the republican governments and later the palace of the ruler of the wealthiest countries of Europe – but a building which Emperor Alexander did not deem worthy of his stay – was guarded by a Russian guard post. Amidst the midnight silence, I reached Palais Royal, where all parties, that reigned over France in the last 25 years, had first tested their powers. In the gardens and galleries I could see thousands of Parisians, carried away by various passions and thoughts. Some looked up into the sky and sighed heavily, but most gathered around various speakers. Some of them praised the Bourbons, under whose royal scepter their ancestors lived for centuries; others extolled their past victories [under Napoleon] and thought it prudent to do nothing drastic while awaiting for the arrival of the Emperor at the head of his army. What I saw here gave me first and real understanding of revolutionary events and people’s gatherings. Despite the diversity of their opinions, they all respected a Russian uniform: I walked throughout Palais Royal, stopped by the crowds of Parisians and was everywhere met with great courtesy. I then went to a coffee house and barely managed to take a seat when the locals began to drink a toast to the Russian officer’s health. Finally, walking along deserted streets, I returned home. So perfectly were the rules of discipline observed by our army, that no disorder was heard of, although over 50,000 foreign troops passed the night in the city. Not a sound was heard in the streets save for the call of the Russian sentries.

Wednesday, August 14, 2013

Alexander Mikhailovskii-Danilevskii, The Journal of the 1814 Campaign - Part 1

In 1813, Alexander Mikhailovskii-Danilevskii was appointed to His Imperial Majesty’s Suite on Quartermaster Service, precursor to the Russian General Staff, where he was in charge of foreign correspondence and official Journal of Military Operations. He attended the Russian emperor throughout the 1813-1814 Campaigns. For biography of  see my previous post on his journal of the 1813 campaign

INVADING FRANCE

Orders of Alexander and Napoleon – Start of the Campaign – Orders to Prefects – Details about the Emperor – Condition of France – Battle at Brienne – The Chateau de Brienne – Various directions of armies – Napoleon’s Move to St. Dizier – His Letter to Empress Marie-Louisa – The Council of War – Decision to March on Paris

At the start of every campaign, leaders usually address their armies with orders of the day which briefly explain principles on which the upcoming campaign will be based. Such orders of the day are historical monuments which bear on them a deep impress of the respective characters of their authors. So it seems appropriate to place here, for comparison, the order of the day issued by Napoleon to inform his army about the war with Russia [in 1812], and the order of Emperor Alexander, issued several days prior to our entrance into France [in 1814].

 "Soldiers," said Napoleon, "Russia is carried away by fate. Her destiny must be accomplished! Can it be that she looks on us as degenerated? Are we not the same warriors who fought at Austerlitz? Let us cross the Niemen and carry the war over the Russian frontier. This war will cover the French arms with glory, and the peace we shall conclude will be solid, and will put an end to the baneful influence of Russia in the affairs of Europe."

Let us now listen to the words of Alexander: "Warriors! Your valour and perseverance have brought you from the Oka River to the Rhine. They will carry you farther: we are about to cross the Rhine, and to enter that country, with which we have been waging a bloody and a cruel war. Already have we saved our native country, covered it with glory, and restored freedom and independence to Europe. It remains but to crown these mighty achievements with the long-wished for peace. May tranquility be restored to the whole world! May every country enjoy happiness under its own independent laws and government! May religion, language, arts, sciences, and commerce flourish in every land for the general welfare of nations! This, and not the continuance of war and destruction, is our object. Our enemies, by invading the heart of our realm, wrought us much evil, but dreadful was the retribution. The Divine wrath crushed them! Let us not take example from them: inhumanity and ferocity cannot be pleasing in the eyes of a merciful God. Let us forget what they have done against us. Instead of animosity and revenge, let us approach them with the words of kind feeling, and with the outstretched hand of reconciliation.”

The Allied armies were instructed to cross the Rhine River in various places on 1 [13] January. The main army, which was commanded by the Emperor [Alexander] himself, crossed the river near Basel and our troops shouted a thundering ‘Hurrah!’ on a bridge across the river. The campaign in France was needed to established a secure peace [in Europe]: besides the Emperor believed that the honor of Russia demanded that Russian banners be unfurled on top of Paris. We marched on to Vesoul, Langre, Chaumont and Bar-sur-Aube, facing no enemy resistance any weher and occupying several regions over the next three weeks. The enemy troops were retreating everywhere and the local populace, which the prefects urged to resistance in their ostentatious appeals, were instead opening city gates to us. The papers of prefects of various departments revealed to us an order of [Jean-Pierre Bachasson de] Montalivet, the Minister of Interior, dated 23 December 1813, which outlined what prefects were supposed to do during our invasion:
On the appearance of the enemy you are directed to leave them the soil only, without the inhabitants, as it has been done in many other countries. If it should be impossible to remove all the inhabitants, you are to leave no means untried to make at least the wealthier families quit their homes on the approach of the enemy; for those of our subjects, who shall consent to live under their authority, however temporary, must be regarded as traitors to the allegiance they have sworn. You will order the officers of every jurisdiction to remove the records. Every exertion must be made to conceal from the enemy, the documents by which they might be enabled to govern the country, and to gain knowledge of the resources available to the supply of their troops. As to your person, you are ordered not to quit your department so long as there shall remain in it a single hamlet unoccupied by the enemy. You are to be the last to quit the department entrusted to you by His Majesty; and if it should be completely conquered, with the exception of a fortress, it is His Majesty's pleasure, that you should shut yourself up in that fortress, and that the moment circumstances permit, you should leave it, to re-enter on the exercise of your functions in governing the Department."

Proclamations, which the prefects published based on this order, produced no effect however, because heavy taxes and constant military levies made Napoleon’s rule intolerable for the French people.
Rain, snow, frost, and thaw retarded, but did not arrest our troops. Though this rapidity of march was not very agreeable to some of the Allies, the Emperor, with his usual activity, continually kept pressing them to advance, often against their will. In later years, while attending him in travels and at palaces, I rarely noticed in him such a high spirit as the one he showed during the war. Having accustomed himself, from his earliest youth, to brave the inconstancy of the elements, he was commonly on horseback, and, as usual, was the best dressed of all around him. It seemed that he was not at war but at some kind of celebration. More burdensome than bad weather was disagreement on military operations that periodically emerged between the Allied armies. Only the presence of Alexander, who, as the head of the Coalition, tried to appease everyone, oftentimes at his own expense, to have them agreed on common course of action, made the success of a multi-national coalition possible as well as saved the armies, which, without Him, would have been certainly destroyed due to discord that existed among them. Too many times, after receiving important intelligence in the middle of night, the Emperor, sacrificing his sleep, got up and, accompanied by somebody with a lamp, walked in bad weather on mud-filled streets of villages to visit the Allied monarch or even Prince Schwartzenberg, wake them up, read the latest reports to them and discuss common measures that had to be taken. This short anecdote exemplifies what kind of difficulties the Emperor faced. In the morning of 9 [21] March, about two hours before the attack on enemy position at Arcis and when our army was already deployed in battle formation, the Emperor, as usual surrounded with his Suite, was pacing back and forth on a field. Field Marshal Barclay de Tolly was with him and, alluding to the tardiness of some of our Allies, the Emperor, among other things, said, "These gentlemen have given me many grey hairs." These words are particularly important because the Emperor rarely expressed what was happening deep inside his soul.

Our quarters in France were among the worst we had seen. The French houses are not built for winter time but rather for summers and so we, accustomed to warm houses, greatly suffered from freezing rooms, especially when we had to stay at peasant houses. Imagine a large room with its back wall taken over by a fireplace where three or four wet logs were burning, giving up some heat but hardly warming up the air. The town houses are maintained in disgusting filth. We found French residents to be much more less educated than the Germans. Many of our officers, who in the childhood were swayed by their foreign tutors and now hoped to find a promised land in France, were sorely disappointed upon seeing widespread poverty, ignorance and despair in villages and towns. The French walked around with downcast eyes and gloomy appearance. They did not whether they should be happy or distressed at our invasion of their country. Will we bring an end their despondency or inflict new disasters upon them? The Frenchmen, however, looked at our invasion as a temporary but unavoidable evil: even though our troops strictly maintained order and discipline, which was a subject of the Emperor’s constant concern, and every violent action against the local was punished by death, it was still impossible to prevent all kinds of difficulties that the locals experienced.
Upon reaching Bar-sur-Aube on 19 [31] January, we learned that Field Marshal Blucher and his Army of Silesia, after crossing the Rhine River at Mannheim, approached the Aube River and was involved in a serious action at Brienne. The Emperor decided to join the Main Army with the Army of Silesia and attack the enemy the following day.

This was first decisive battle in France and therefore success or failure in it would have had powerful psychological impression on both sides. Although we have advanced deep into France, the enemy, until now, avoided pitched battles and everyone waited in great anticipation to see first hand how strong would be the enemy’s resistance within the borders of his own state. The entire morning of 20 March was spent in preparations for the battle The Emperor reviewed the troops which were deployed in the following order: Austrians on the left flank, Russians next to them, followed by the Wurttembergers and, further to the right, Bavarians who were instructed to turn the enemy left flank. Our grenadiers and cuirassiers were kept in reserve on the road to Bar-sur-Aube while the Guard was deployed behind them. The overall command of the armies was entrusted to Field Marshal Blucher and, to avoid interfering with his command, the Emperor and King of Prussia retreated to the nearby heights at Trannes where they could observe all the movements; they remained there until evening.

Around noon, we were ordered to attack. The Allied troops, fighting in the presence of their monarchs, competed with each other in gallantry. The Russians faced the most challenging task of taking the village of La Rothier, which represented a key to the enemy position. Around 9 pm, when it was completely dark, the French, after a furious attack, managed to seize La Rothier but were soon driven back and set the village on fire. The massive fire brightly illuminated that gloomy January night. Thus ended the battle, in which the greatest honors belonged to General Sacken, who commanded the Russian troops. In his report on this battle, he remarked, “On this superb and memorable day, Napoleon has ceased to be the enemy of the human race; and Alexander may now say: " I give peace to the world."

We gained a complete victory. The enemy lost over 70 guns and some 3,000 prisoners. The victory could have led to the capture of  Paris if the Main Army and the Army of Silesia marched together to the French capital. Instead, relying on their numerical superiority, the two armies separated after the battle and proceed to paris along two different routes: Field Marshal Blucher moved through Chalons while the Main Army proceeded to Trois. The enemy’s lack of troops clearly revealed itself at Brienne – France had abandoned Napoleon, who had brought her to the pinnacle of glory, at the moment when the fortune stopped smiling at him. He appealed to the nation and ordered peasants to sound tocsin upon the appearance of the Allied troops, who were portrayed as plunderers, and destroy bridges, and demanded a popular uprising. But no one responded to his call which disappeared as if in a desert.

The following day, at nine o’clock in the morning, the Emperor, King of Prussia and the Commander-in-Chief arrived at the castle of Brienne to discuss future plans of actions. The castle and its surrounding, memorable for the childhood that Napoleon spent there, presented a picture of complete destruction. The castle contained a fine library and a room of Natural History, where a crocodile hanged on ceiling. Someone came up with an idea of cutting ropes which held the crocodile and the fall of this massive African beast destroyed cabinets which exhibited various shells and fossils behind a glass. The laughter that accompanied this destruction of so many precious rarities was akin to the laughter of Cannibals. But such events are inseparable from war. Some rooms still showed fresh traces of their residents and there was a woman’s needlework on one of the tables. Here I also encountered Field Marshal Blucher, who could barely stand on his feet.

As soon the Main Army arrived at Trois and the Army of Silesia reached the banks of the Marne River, the genius of Napoleon, which was seemingly in slumber in the beginning of the campaign, had suddenly awoke once more. With a handful of troops he appeared rapidly everywhere where he could gain upper hand and halted movements of superior Allied forces by attacking their weakest elements. He first turned against Blucher, delivering major blows at Champaubert, Montmirail, Chateau-Thierry and Vauchamps, and throwing him back to Chalons. This was an appropriate punishment for carelessness with which the Prussian commander stretched out his forces over vast area and failed to cover them with separate flying detachments. Following these victories, where the fortune had smiled for the last time on its favorite son, Napoleon moved against the Main Army and, having forced it to retreat to Langres, he hurried to attack once more Blucher whoch had threatened Paris. Bu the Main Army moved in his wake and we soon returned to the banks of the Seine River, where we took up positions for several days awaiting news from Blucher. Thus passed the month of February, full of turns of fate. The meetings of the Châtillon congress, which opened on 23 January [4 February], brought no results because concessions that the French government was willing to make did not match the demands of the Allied Powers. But more importantly neither of warring sides possessed a sincere desire to negotiate peace, even on the conditions that were put forth by their plenipotentiaries.

We had no news from Field Marshal Blucher for over one week. Finally, on 2 [14] March, we received the news of his victory at Laonn and the Main Army decided to resume offensive operations, moving to Arcis. It was here that Napoleon and Alexander encountered each other on the battle field for the last time, and the former, having exhausted all his efforts, was forced to retreat. He became convinced of impossibility of resisting to the forces of Emperor Alexander and decided, as a last resort to save himself from destruction, to attempt one of his boldest movements, which however not only failed to produce any success but instead put an end to his reign that was full of astonishing deeds. This movement brought us to Paris and therefore deserves a detailed explanation, particularly since it has not been done in any of the works that have been published until now, while I have received details about it from one of the generals who attended the council of war at Sommepy

Based on observations made during the battle at Arcis-sur-Aube and intelligence provided by our light detachments, we realized that Napoleon retreated in the direction of Vitry. Having dispatched Marshal Ney to occupy this city, which was held by the Allied troops, he crossed the Marne River and proceeded to St. Dizier, with intention of falling upon the communications of the Allies and forcing them to retreat to Chamons and beyond. Based on this news, Prince Schwarzenberg made a decision to follow Napoleon with his entire army and join Blucher who was located at Chalons; Blucher was informed to immediately march in direction of Vitry. The Main Army marched towards the village of Sommepy around nine o’clock in the evening. By 1 am. we made a camp in the village of Dampierre, where we received enemy dispatched that were intercepted by our troops. On being opened in presence of Princes Schwarzenberg and Volkonsky and State Secretary Count Nesselrode, these desptached revealed, among other documents, the following letter written with Napoleon's own hand to his consort Marie Louisa: "My love, I have been all these days constantly on horseback. On the 20th I took Arcis on the Aube. The same' evening the enemy attacked me near that town, but I beat them: they had four thousand men killed. The next day the enemy marched in the direction of Brienne and Bar-sur-Aube, and I resolved, in order to draw them away from Paris, to lead my army to the Marne, and to approach the fortresses. This evening I shall be at St. Dizier. Farewell, my love, give a kiss to our son."

This letter, which presented the events of Arcis in prejudiced manner, clearly revealed Napoleon’s plan of action and his desire to gather garrisons of various fortresses and move the theater of war closer to France’s frontiers. After this letter was read Prince Volkonsky proposed that after uniting with Blucher, only a strong corps should be sent after Napoleon, while out the united armies should take the nearest road to Paris, where they would be in five days, and have it in their hands before Napoleon could know anything about it. Prince Schwarzenberg thought this idea too bold, and raised concerns about our line of communications. Prince Volkonsky responded that we should be concerned about it since the army had reserve parks, pontoons and supplies for ten days and, in case of failure, line of communications could be established through Flanders. The field marshal answered that he would not venture on such an enterprise without the consent of the Emperor Alexander and the King of Prussia.

At two o'clock in the morning of 12 [24] March, we left Dampierre for Sommepy, where we made a second halt. The intercepted letters were here laid before his Majesty by Prince Schwarzenberg, who on retiring told [Prince Volkonsky] that the Emperor retained his former opinion, which was to unite with Blucher at Vitry, and following Napoleon with the combined armies, attack him wherever they should find him. He then mounted his horse and rode off while the Emperor desired to call a meeting with his generals: Count Barclay de Tolly, Prince Volkonsky and Generals Diebitch and Toll. Informing them about the content of Napoleon’s letter to Marie Louisa, he inquired, “What is your idea, gentlemen?" Count Barclay de Tolly thought it would be best to follow Napoleon and attack him. General Diebitch proposed that while the united armies were engaged in following Napoleon, Prussian General Bulow, who was lying at Soissons, should make a dash at Paris. To this Prince Volkonsky replied as follows: "It is well known that there are in Paris forty thousand national guards and fragments of various regiments, and that in addition to these, at a short distance from the capital are the two corps of Marmont and Mortier. All these troops together form a total of ninety thousand men, consequently we cannot expect that Bulow with his thirty thousand men could undertake anything of importance: on the contrary, he would expose himself to danger by attacking an enemy so greatly superior to him in numbers. I may add, that if we follow Napoleon, we must leave a powerful rearguard to repulse the attack of these two marshals. Taking these circumstances into consideration, I am inclined to think that it would be the best plan first to unite with the Silesian army, and then to detach against Napoleon a numerous body of cavalry and some regiments of infantry, with instructions everywhere to prepare accommodation for the Emperor, that it may be believed we are following with the whole army. We ought then to march straight to Paris through Fere-Champenoise, and Blucher through Etoges, keeping up an uninterrupted communication between the two armies. Following this route, we must attack Marshals Marmont and Mortier wherever we meet them. We shall beat them, because we are stronger than they, and each day will place two marches between us and Napoleon."

This opinion being approved, the Emperor, wishing to communicate his plans to Prince Schwarzenberg, called for his horse and rode off towards Vitry, where he found him together with the King of Prussia. He invited them to dismount, and then explained to them Prince Volkonsky's opinion, which the King and the Prince at once approved. There, in the field, they signed orders to Blucher to march to Etoges; the troops were told to halt wherever the new orders reached them while General Winzegorode was sent with 10,000 cavalry, one jager regiment and two light detachments towards St. Dizier. To further deceive the enemy, the Emperor suggested setting up a camp at Vitry. The plan of marching on Paris had to be kept in complete secrecy for some time and I will never forget as General Toll, after leaving the council of war at Sommepy, whispered in my ear, “We are marching on Paris but, for God’s sake, do not tell this to anybody!” This same general was first to inform me about the decision to abandon Moscow at the village of Fili [in 1812.]