N. Muromtsev - An Episode from the Battle of Leipzig, 1813

The entire [Allied] army proceeded to one point, Leipzig. Napoleon, trying to prevent our concentration, attacked the Russian, Austrian and part of the Prussian armies on 4 [16] October. The French attack was swift and vigorous and an intense fight began at all points. In the middle, there was the village of Gossa, which we all called ‘red roof’. The Prussian troops were constantly sent against it during the day, but were repulsed with heavy casualties because the French were deployed as tirailleurs. In the afternoon, [general Alexey] Yermolov was ordered to seize this village by assault. The French were fortified behind its stonewalls and it was very difficult to dislodge them. Yermolov then commanded the Russian and Prussian Guards. He deployed the regiments in columns on both flanks and in the centre and marched with a drumbeat, having scattered the Guard Jägers as skirmishers in front of him. Observing our flanking columns, the French had to retreat pursued by the Jägers. There was a large stone house (it was the ‘red roof’) in the middle of the village and, as the Jägers rushed in, fierce fighting broke out; all the windows and mirrors were smashed to pieces. The French were finally driven out of the village. Corpses were taken out of the house and several of us, aides-de-camp, occupied it with out general [Yermolov].

There were many interesting incidents on that memorable day of 4 [16] October] and I want to describe one of them. Before noon, while our corps commanded by General Yermolov was still idle,  our  general  decided  to observe the actions on the left flank, where General Rayevskii’s troops were under heavy attack and could barely hold their ground. He took me with him and we rode there, about half a verst away. Having witnessed the action and talked to courageous Rayevskii, we turned back to our positions. The Guard cavalry was moving to the left of us, by threes to the right, and presented a long but thin line. The French, meanwhile, were deployed in squadron columns. Yermolov noted our mistake and told me, ‘Look, the French will soon charge and rout them.’ He had hardly finished when the French cavalry indeed charged. The entire Russian line shook and then fled. Thus, we found ourselves in the middle of our fleeing cavalry and the pursuing French, but were a bit to the left and so had some open space in front of us. We soon saw several French cavalrymen, who noticed us too and galloped in our direction. We immediately spurred our horses and, thanks to their agility, quickly outdistanced them. It is well known that the French horses moved awkwardly. The general had his hat blown off by the wind and I managed to dismount, pick it up and then ride away. We soon reached a small dam on the creek, which separated us from the czar and his entire suite, and encountered the Life Guard Cossacks, the czar’s escort, that were dispatched to support our cavalry. These good lads routed the French at once and our cavalry recovered.

Major General Prince Sherbatov on Challenges Russian army experienced in 1814

In 1814, the Russian armies posed to invade France had been on campaign for more than year and a half. Many regiments were understaffed and both officers and rank-and-file were fatigued. Although reinforcements had been continually raised and delivered, these men were oftentimes hastily trained and unprepared for the rigors of war. Writing to General Barclay de Tolly on 25 January, Major General Prince Sherbatov, thus, explained widespread problems that he had to deal with in his detachment.

I have suffered for a very long time now without troubling Your Excellency with my reports on the conditions in the detachment entrusted to me. But the responsibility, laying heavily on my shoulders, compels me to write you.

My detachment consists of four regiments, of which only two are dependable enough to be employed against the enemy or on various missions. These regiments are Yagodin II’s Cossack and 4th Uralskii regiments: the former consists of just 330 men, including 80 men who have arrived just one month ago and are still too young, weak and inexperienced; the latter regiment has only 150 men. The other two regiments, Teptyarskii and 3rd Orenburgskii are worthless and incapable of undertaking anything, especially the latter unit. I considered using this unit [3rd Orenburgskii] to maintain a flying mail service but they cannot perform even this simplest of tasks. I dread deploying them on outpost or patrol duties, and have reprimanded them on several occasions; overall, I find them impossible to employ in anything. Their regimental commander, Major Stelnov [?] is weak and incompetent, soldiers themselves are indifferent and indolent, and officers are illiterate. [Thus] an enemy spy, who was captured and placed under this regiment’s guard yesterday, has escaped unmolested tonight.

These regiments complicate my mission and deprive me of important means of carrying out instructions that you have entrusted to me. I consider it my duty to inform you of these circumstances.

[RGVIA f. 846, op.16, d. 4120/1]

Pion des Loches, "My Campaigns" - Part 2: Invading Russia, 1812

"21 June 1812, Gumbinen.
So far we have not bivouacked so altogether we have not had much to suffer. The most annoying thing is that we arrive quite late in the evening and, being already exhausted, we prefer to go to bed rather than to wait four or five hours for the meat to be distributed to us so as to make the soup. Thus, they make it at night while we sleep, which means we take our chief meal every morning at four o'clock before departing. [For the rest of the day] we keep something in our pockets to each when we make the halt. The bread is good, the meat is not worth much, but we never find any whine. It is more than a month since I have drank any. Here and there we find some beer, but it is nearly always bad; strong liquors are abundant and it is that which sustains the soldiers during the long marches they make."

On 24 June, we arrived and bivouacked on the left bank of the Niemen River. Since the morning the army had crossed the river all without striking a blow; the whole of cavalry was already on the right bank of the river and the advance guard was, without a doubt, a good's march ahead. I asked myself why the Emperor ordered me to establish my battery on a very high hill to the left of the three bridges; would he make the troops which followed us believe that his cannon dominated the whole of Russia? I do not know whether the enthusiasm was general in the army but it was at its height in [the Imperial] Guard, so much so that Major Boulart said to me very seriously that we would celebrate the 15 August [Napoleon's birthday and the Feast Day of the Assumption of Mary] in St. Petersburg. I replied to his boast, "I would be glad to find myself returning by then and, finding myself again on this river bank, to be on my way back to France."

Our first four days of march in Russia put the artillery in a frightful state. The cold and rainy nights killed more than a third of our horses. General Sorbier, witnessing this [appalling] situation, said loudly that one must be a fool to attempt such enterprises. What could we hope for in autumn, when at the end of June we experienced icy rains, which killed the horses and rendered the roads impracticable?

On 1 July we entered Vilna, [where] the houses on the outskirts had been abandoned and pillaged. That day the march was only two leagues [~9km] dead horses encumbered the road and I counted more than a thousand along the road while the waysides were covered with them; I grew tired of counting them. During the ten days that we spent in Vilna I wished to convince myself that struck by the [dreadful] beginnings of this campaign, the Emperor would go no farther and would occupy himself with the restoration of Poland. Where were horses to be found? I do not know how [horses] of the line were replaced. In order to replace those of the Guard, they took what remained in the four horse artillery batteries, auxiliaries to the Guard. Even the cannoneers of these batteries had to dismount. Where we victuals to be found? There was no distribution of victuals. Fortunately I had some provisions of flour which prevented me from dying in the middle of Vilna. And where find fodder? The grass was all cut down in a radius of more than five leagues [over 20 km] But the Poles entertained the Emperor with their enthusiasm, talked about levying troops, and the vain promises of this sort that they had already made in 1807 were forgotten.

So we resumed our march on 10 July. There was such an encumbrance on the narrow bridge at the exit of the city [Vilna], where all the columns had to pass, that although we departed early in the morning, I could not bivouac farther than two and a half leagues [~10-11 km] from Vilna. A Bavarian battalion, placed beside us, carried off the few provisions that we had on our transports.

On 15 July, we soujourned at quarter of a league behind Swenziany [Švenčioneliai]. The cannoneers took advantage of this halt to seek provisions right and left. They ransacked a chateau and returned with some salted meat and about a hundred bottles of muscatel wine. They gave me six of them which I used very sparingly. This was the only wine I drank till we reached Moscow, that is to say, during two months.

On 29 July, we bivouacked near Ostrovno, on the battlefield of the 25th. That day there had been a serious engagement - so we judged by the number of the dead which we still found there. They were all Russians, for those who had preceded us had taken the precaution to bury the French. From Vilna to Vitebsk, each army corps, each regiment, each company had to provide for its own subsistence; each captain was the administrator of his own company. Hardly was the bivouac established when the army would disband in search of provisions. The soldiers brought back wheat and flour, never any bread. If they found any ovens, they baked bread during the night. At dawn one might see a crowd of transports loaded with flour, starting off in advance, they drivers hurrying in search of mills and ovens. For lack of better they made a flour gruel [la farine en bouillie]. More than four-fifths of the soldiers have had no other nourishment during the campaign. Thanks to the oxen, cows and cheep carried off from the Poles, and which trailed behind us, meat was very abundant; moreover in the narrows passes, at the entrances of bridges, where these animals got mixed up, they were repeatedly stolen from each other.

Vitebsk [was] a large city. All the houses were abandoned and a great number burned down. Have the Russians already began to burn their houses so as to deprive us of all resources? Or perhaps, as in Germany, was it the result of the disorder of the invasion? So far I had marched without any special destination. I was attached to the Young Guard and my battery, together with that of Captain Fradiel of the 8th Regiment, formed its reserve artillery. Was I under the command of General Nourry, who commanded the Guard artillery? I am not aware in the least, bit I have received his orders frequently enough during the campaign, especially concerning the supply of meat and flour.

Pion des Loches, "My Campaigns" - Part 1: Marching across Germany and Poland, 1812

Born on 20 February 1770 in Pontarlier (Doubs), Antoine Flavien Augustin Pion (Pion des Loches) was the son of Jean Nicolas Pion (1744-1799) and his five Claudine Gagelin from Besancon (Doubs). The young Pion was initially destined for priesthood and studied at the seminary in Besancon. But the Revolution changed the course of his life. He avoided conscription three times before finally the levée en masse forced him into service. Enlisted in the Army of the Rhine, he participated in the War of the First Coalition, gradually acquiring a taste for the military life. "I began to adopt military attitudes and saw the possibility to make my way in the profession of arms," he later recalled. His superiors also noticed his skills and assigned him to the School of Artillery in Chalons. After completing his studies he joined the 5th Artillery Regiment and took part in campaigns in the Southern Germany and Italy in 1796-1800. In 1805-1806, he participated in the Wars of the Third and Fourth Coalitions before being dispatched to Spain where he remained until 1808. After serving as commandant of an artillery depot, Pion was called up to serve in Russia in 1812 and barely survived the brutal winter campaign. In 1813, he was once again given task to command an artillery depot where he remained until the fall of the First Empire. He was never an ardent supporter of Napoleon and actively resisted Bonapartists' efforts during the Hundred Days, for which he was promoted to a colonel during the Second Bourbon Restoration. 

Later in his life Pion des Loches wrote a fascinating memoir - Mes Campagnes, 1792-1815 (Paris: Firmin-Didot, 1889) - that describes his experiences during the Napoleonic Wars. Pion des Loches maintained a diary during the campaigns and used it as the basis for his memoir, where the text from his diary is placed in quotation marks.


The Russian Campaign of 1812 - Part 1: Marching across Germany and Poland.

We left La Fère on 2 March 1812. I commanded my own [3rd] and the 4th companies  [of the Foot Artillery Regiment of the Imperial Guard], which  were to be under the orders of Major Boulart. Our equipages were fine, the material left nothing to be desired. But according to general hearsay the horses were too tall and too bulky, little able to undergo fatigues or dispense with abundant nourishment. This concern was realized and our acting colonel, General Sorbier, did not justify in this selection of horses the high opinion which was entertained of his experience and judgment. On 8 March we sojourned at Sainte-Menehould. The sub-prefect of this city was [Jean-Baptiste] Drouot, the postmaster of Varennes, who had caused the arrest of [King] Louis XVI [in June 1791]. I persuaded myself that this man had the appearance of a very great scoundrel so I was curious to see him. I visited him therefore under the pretext of informing him officially in regard to the batteries that should arrived some days after mine, and of providing him with the data concerning the supplies to be collected for forage. Did this man guess what was in my mind? I do not know, but Foulcroy, my lieutenant, remarked as I did that he did not dare to look me in the face. My presentiment had not deceived me for I have never seen a more horrible physiognomy. He wore the decoration of the Legion d'Honneur and more than once I had blushed to see it on the breast of men without honor. Here was I indignant and I do not know how I refrained from tearing it from the bosom of the sub-prefect.

"17 March 1812, Metz
The greater part of the troops of the [Imperial] Guard marches before us. At the back we have only the Grenadiers à Cheval [Mounted Grenadiers]. Here they never say anything about the war that we are about to wage. Everyone asks us where we are going and against whom are directed the troops that were seen passing through Metz. As for our destination, we are no wiser now than we were at our departure. However, it is agreed so far as to say that all the troops are proceeding from Mayence to Magdebourg."
We arrived at Mayence on 27 March.

"28 March 1812, Mayence.
At Metz they told us that we were going to fight against the allied Prussians and Russians; that the King of Prussia had made innumerable levies, that he had evacuated all the part of his state beyond the Vistula River, and that he had crossed this river in order to unite with the Russians. This was a very unfortunate news, but happily it soon proved to be absolutely false. The King of Prussia [in fact] became our ally... Some claim that the Emperor of Russia still remains on good terms with us, but that his people, and above all his Senate, are tired of a condition equivalent to actual war, that they are calling on the English and want to negotiate with them. [It was said that] the authority of the Senate counterbalancing in Russia that of the Sovereign, Emperor Alexander, being threatened, calls on us in order that we might frighten [epouvanteur] his people... [Some] politicians pretend that we are going to fight Sweden... There are [even] people foolish enough to say that we are going to India to fight against English commerce."

On the 29th we crossed the Rhine River and came to spend the night in Frankfurt am Main. I stopped at the abutment of the bridge to watch the troops and the park cross over. After they had moved by, I pondered to myself, "How many of these artillerymen will return back across the Rhine?" In ordinary wars one might have wagered for the three-quarters. But alas [this was no ordinary war] and more than seven-eighths actually perished.

"31 March 1812, Obernburg.
Among the Germans we experience the same treatment as ten years ago. These poor people, although ruined by such a long war, continue to exercise hospitality towards us in the most generous manner. They treat us as if they saw us for the first time."

There was something admirable in the conduct of the French troops. On 4 April, we presented ourselves at the gate of Wurzburg, and after waiting for an hour on the glacis, under a gold rain, an officer of the Grand Duke [Ferdinand]  came to tell us in bad French that the artillery could not pass through the city, that we should cross the Mein and go and pass the night at Rottendorf. In this village, which we had to find without a guide, the locals refused to lodge us and the kept the park only, while the troop marched two leagues [~7-8 km] farther to reach another village, where it arrived at night. On 6 April, after having made four or five leagues [15-20 km] and being near to our resting place, we met an office, of I know not what staff, who gave us the order to retrace our steps in another direction because a certain boat bridge [pont de bateaux] could not be thrown across, I know not what river that inundated. On our return we encountered a considerable park commanded by Colonel Caron, who followed us but as no one had appointed a resting place for him, as had been done for us, he found himself very much embarrassed, and I do not know where he established himself.

On 16 April, I lodged at Reusa, near Plauen, in the castle of M.Metz, the proprietor of a very beautiful estate. This M. Metz was well educated, respectable for the qualities of his mind as for those of his heart. He had a superb factory for spinning cotton which employed nearly all the inhabitants of the village. We soent with him the anniversary of the buirth of one of his daughters, who was seven years old. During the supper, a servant entered carrying a cake garnbished with seven lighted candles, six little ones around the edge and a seventh big one in the middle. The child guessed that it was for her and threw herself with feeling into the arms of her mother, who gave her some beautiful dress material. He father gave her some gold pieces. Charmed by this ceremony, Fourcroy and myself toasted this fortunate family and offered up prayers for its happiness.

On 20 April, at Bornichen, near Oederan, we were very well received by a great Saxon lord. There was good company at his house, including a chamberlain of the king who appeared to us to be a man of a great merit.

On the 21st, we slept at Grumbach, and there we prepared to enter Dresden. This sojourn was spent not only attending to the cannoneers' uniform but also to maintaining cannon. The artillery pieces were successively brought to the edge of a stream and cleaned and the same was done with their carriages. This was the first and it has been the only time, that I have seen a like attempt at cleaning up. About a league [~4 km] from Dresden, in the middle of the fields, cannoneers and the soldiers of the train stripped themselves to change from undress to full dress uniform. The artillery of the [Imperial] Guard was a corps in which one lived economically; it was important for many that the clothing should last a long time - the plumes [les plumets], cap ornaments [garnitures de bonnets], etc. could not be too well cared for. So one did not put them on but at the last moment before making a review. Our brilliant appearance was quite in vain - the King of Saxony [Frederick Augustus I], like the Grand Duke of Wurzburg, was afraid to let the artillery pass through his capital. We had to go around the walls and enter at the gate nearest to the quarter where we were to lodge.

I took advantage of our short stay in seeing the curiosities of the city. I admired the picture gallery, the cabinet of antiques and the immense depot of porcelains of Saxony and Sévres as well as from China and Japan. But I admired even more the modesty and simplicity of the [royal] court. The carriages, on account of their old fashion, would have been in bad taste in France; the hunting equipages were less brilliant than those of one of our marshals. Isaw the [Saxon] king and the royal family at mass. Their piety impressed me and I asked myself how a wise prince, modest and religious, could be so closely bound to Emperor Napoleon; or could even love him as his subjects assured us he did.

Having left Dresden on 27 April, we reached on 6 May the environs of Glogau [in Silesia] where the Guard was cantoned. For the next three weeks I rested at the little castle of Baron Jordan at Klein-Logisch. The baron's brother was in diplomatic service and very well informed on the affairs of the northern courts. Together we predicted the fatal results of the campaign, and it was not difficult to calculate them. Already we lacked fodder; we received the order o collect supplies on our artillery wagons sufficient for three weeks, whike waiting till we could reap the green harvests. As usual there was neither order nor administration. The armies would have to live in Russia as they had lived everywhere else, at the point of the sword.

"9 May, Klein-Logisch. My company is deployed in five different villages, near enough to each other, but all small and poor. They can hardly lodge a man in each house... Forage is very scarce and I am obliged to send to Glogau for hay which my horses will not eat unless they are very hungry. The minor landlords [les petits seigneurs] of this country, who are actively involved in politics and who are very tired of seeing us, pretend that there will be no campaign, that the Emperor of Russia, always at war with the Turks and even the Persians, will not dare to risk a single action against us..."

Since my departure from Metz I had not received a single letter from my wife. The Emperor supposed all his soldiers o be conquerors to whom the dearest affections were as nothing. At Glogau only, I found a great number of letters which les us to suppose that the postal system had began to get itself organized.

On 24 May, we left Klein-Logisch and, by nightfall, we reached Deutsch-Iseritz near Fraustadt. Fortunately a Polish lord, proprietor of a neighboring chateau, sent us some supper, for without him we would have died of hunger from the first day of our passage in Poland. Two days later we arrived at the estate of the Palatine Dzialynski, one of the members of the Government Commission of 1807 at Konaserwo. At the same time arrived General Michel of the Guard Infantry. He had with him five or six officers. As we numbered as many already, our host had a large party for us. His hearty welcome caused him to find grace in our eyes for the perpetual comparisons which he hazarded between his nation and ours. Hardly could he recognize the least difference between a Pole and a Frenchman. [For him,] it was the same vivacity of mind, the same urbanity, the same frankness of mind, to the point (and here I cite his expressions) that everywhere a Pole passed for a Frenchman. Let it not displease the Palatine: I saw no similarity except in the national pride and the superficiality of character. But he gave us much too good a dinner to be contradicted, so we let him talk at his ease, then we went to walk in his gardens and to laugh at his expense.

It was from the time of our entry into Poland that the lack of order led to the most fearful brigandage. Not knowing whether they would find anything to eat the next day the soldiers collected provisions everywhere. Each regiment was followed by a heard, which very often did not arrive till day break at the place where the regiment had passed the night. This throng was also accompanied by an infinite number of little transports loaded with bread and flour. Half of the regiment was employed in conducting animals and provisions. Even the lowest sous-lieutenant had a servant, that is to say a soldier, who drove his wagon. The whole had been taken in the villages passed through and marched at the tail of the army in the greatest disorder.

On 5 June, we sojourned at Thorn where we were supposed to be reviewed by His Majesty [Napoleon], and received a ration of biscuits for four days. The next day when I tried to distribute these biscuits among my cannoneers but they refused them so badly were they spoiled. During our new deployment, at Reuchenberg near Heilsberg, we pillaged for hay in every house, and made bundles of it which were loaded on our transports. Some days later in passing from there to Insterburg we saw an army corps -  I no longer know which army corps but the Emperor had just held a review of it - that entered helter-skelter into the city in the evening and treated its inhabitants as though it had been in the enemy's land, seizing everything that was necessary to furnish shelter during the bivouac.

Pavel (Paul) Kiselev's Assessment of Russian officers

Digging through early 19th century documents, I came across a fascinating document containing characteristics of Russian generals. The document is from 1824 when Emperor Alexander asked General Paul Kiselev, Chief of Staff of the 2nd Army, to submit brief characteristics of Russian generals. All of the men had served in the Napoleonic Wars but their positions are given as of 1824. It is a long list of names so I included only a handful of individuals here.  

"Lieutenant General Baron Lowernstern. Commander of Artillery of the 2nd Army. Driven by personal considerations. Demanding. In France, he would have commanded parks.

Major General Zheltukhin I. Commander of the 13th Infantry Division. A very diligent [and] amicable general. Acts like an ensign, but, as far as troops organization, especially technical issues, is concerned, he is very capable. Yet, he has the most dastardly character and, in my opinion, he causes more harm than benefit. It is said that he does not steal and, therefore, can be employed as an intendant.

Major General Udom II. Commander of the 9th Infantry Division. A kind but feeble man. He has lost all of his morality and, if he were a soldier, he could have been cashiered a long time ago.

Major General Baron Rozen II. Commander of the 3rd Dragoon Division. He is incapable of amounting to anything anywhere.

Major General Pantenius. Commander of the 3rd Brigade of the 16th Infantry Division. A colonel - and that is all that can be said about him.

Major General Turchaninov. Commander of the 2nd Brigade of the 9th Division. He is incapable of amounting to anything anywhere.

Major General Mossalov. Attached to the commander of the 3rd Dragoon Division. I am very surprised he managed to become a general.

Major General Shevandin. Commander of the 3rd Brigade of the 18th Infantry Division. In terms of ability, same as Turchaninov, Mossalov and others, but the odiousness of his persona places him in a separate category.

Major General Mordvinov III, Commander of the 1st Brigade of the 22nd Infantry Division. Of weak health, feeble mind and ineffective.

Major General Timroth. Commander of the 2nd Brigade of the 18th Infantry Division. A front-line brigade commander. If addressed in German, he will do whatever is ordered.

Major General Gotovskii. Chief of Staff of the 7th Infantry Corps. His intellectual abilities are same as Shevandin, Mossalov or Turchaninov. But he also studied at the Cadet Corps and is therefore utterly stupid."

Ivan Kazakov - Excerpts from the Memoirs of the 1814 Campaign

As a recent graduate of the elite Page Corps, Kazakov had an idealistic vision of war and, after missing both the 1812 and 1813 Campaigns, he was eager to see some action. In June 1813, at the tender age of sixteen, he finally received his commission as an ensign in the Life Guard Semeyonovskii Regiment, which he joined on its march across Germany.

This fragment is from my forthcoming book Russian Eyewitness Accounts of the Campaign of 1814.


The orders to the army strictly forbade any pillaging (as it usually happened in foreign lands) and troops were instructed to handle fires as carefully as possible. It was all great on paper but impossible to implement in practice: as soon as the army arrived to a place selected for a bivouac, squads were immediately dispatched for provisions, forage for horses, firewood, hay, water – which in itself is a type of pillaging – and the villages located close to an almost 100,000-strong bivouacked army were quickly devastated and plundered despite any orders. [As a rule] an officer was chosen, and an NCO and twenty-five men were selected from each company, which meant some 300 men were selected from a regiment. This [foraging] squad moved in good order to the village, where everyone scattered to find sought-for and essential items. Most local residents had fled or hidden away. So one may wonder – how could one maintain order in a village that is stretched for half a mile and, most importantly, at night time, as most foraging was usually done. Those who reached bivouacs first naturally procured everything quickly and easily, but the last comers were forced to disassemble roofs to obtain some hay and destroy entire homes to get some firewood. Can it be really expected that they would not commit some excesses and steal some unnecessary items in the process? I once witnessed how in a small and almost completely plundered village our commander-in-chief Barclay de Tolly sheltered in a small house. Once can imagine my astonishment when he hastily came out of the house and watched as soldiers removed hay and rafters from his house since neither was necessary in the winter time when it usually did not rain. When the gendarmes and Cossacks began to drive the foragers away from the roof, Barclay de Tolly laughed and ordered them to leave them alone so they did not freeze or go hungry that night. But is not this a clear-cut systematic and organized plunder and robbing which is impossible to avoid? When our army passed through Champagne and Epernay, our foragers frequently returned with barrels of wine instead of water. We saw plenty of cattle abandoned in the fields and villages and thus procured plenty of meat, oftentimes slaughtering cows so beautiful that even painter’s brush could not fully convey their beauty. Meanwhile those same commanders, who issued strictest orders not to burn and plunder, were calmly enjoying this wonderful beef cooked in the best of wines. Such are the inescapable consequences of war that befell heavily on the unfortunate residents on whose fields the armies are deployed for training, tactical or strategic considerations.

Alexander Mikhailovskii-Danilevskii, The Journal of the 1813 Campaign - Part 1

Alexander Ivanovich Mikhailovskii-Danilevskii holds a distinct place in the Russian historiography of the Napoleonic Wars. A witness to the Napoleon’s campaigns in Europe in

1805-1808 and direct participant of the later wars, he wrote histories that broke new ground and represent classic works of history. In addition to over half a dozen histories of the Napoleonic campaigns,  Mikhailovskii-Danilevskii also left a series of diaries and memoirs that provide a fascinating insight into the Russian side of the Napoleonic Wars. 

Mikhailovskii-Danilevskii was born in 1790 in St. Petersburg. His father Ivan Lukyanovich Danilevskii (1751-1807) was a prominent figure in contemporary Russian society; born into a Cossack family from Malorossya, Danilevskii studied in Kiev Academy of Theology and, as a tutor to Brigadier P.S. Miloradovich’s son, he attended several universities in Germany and France, receiving a doctorate in medicine from the University of Gottingen. Returning to Russia, Danilevskii chose to pursue a career in banking and over the years he succeeded in becoming director of the State Loan Bank. The change of the family name from Danilevskii to Mikhailovskii-Danilevskii was a result of an incident during the reign of Emperor Paul I (1796-1801). A certain Danilevskii wrote a rather impertinent letter to Emperor Paul leading to arrest of Ivan Danilevskii. During the interrogation, he was found innocent and released. Emperor Paul comforted him by giving a promotion and adding “Mikhailovskii” - the emperor just moved to Mikhailovskii palace - to his surname to prevent any future confusion.  

The young Alexander Mikhailovskii-Danilevskii studied at St. Peter’s Lutheran College in St. Petersburg in 1797-1806. At the age of 12, he was placed in state service, working as a clerk (kantselyarist) at the State Loan Bank in 1801. In 1803, he was promoted to college registrar [kolezhskii registrator) and in 1805 – to college secretary (kolezhskii sekretar’). He abandoned state service after the death of his father in August 1807. Receiving a large inheritance, he decided to travel and study abroad. He first traveled to his father’s alma mater, the University of Gottingen, where he took classes in 1808-1811. In the summer of 1809, as Napoleon was defeating the Austrians on the field of Wagram, Mikhailovskii-Danilevskii traveled to France, Switzerland and Italy to see historical places before returning back to the university in November. He stayed at Gottingen for two more years, taking courses in history, politics, finances, law and arts.   
In late 1811, Mikhailovskii-Danilevskii returned to Russia and briefly worked in the chancellery of the Ministry of Finance. 

As Napoleon’s Grande Armée crossed the Nieman River in late June 1812, Mikhailovskii-Danilevskii resigned his position and volunteered for service in opolchenye (militia). His skills were quickly noticed and he was appointed adjutant to Prince Mikhail Kutuzov, then commander of the St. Petersburg opolchenye. After Kuzutov was given command of the Russian armies in late August, Mikhailovskii-Danilevskii followed him and remained by his side throughout the campaign, serving in the personal chancellery of the commander-in-chief. He received a baptism by fire at the bloody battle at Borodino on 7 September and was awarded the Order of St. Anna (4th class) for his actions. In September, as Kutuzov reorganized the chancellery, Mikhailovskii-Danilevskii was tasked with maintaining an official "Journal of Military Operations" which recorded daily operations of the main Russian army and was personally supervised and edited by Kutuzov. In October, Mikhailovskii-Danilevskii was wounded in the right hand at the Battle of Tarutino, for which he received the Order of St. Vladimir (4th class) and left the army to recover at Tula. 

Mikhailovskii-Danilevskii returned to active service in February 1813 (where his 1813 Journal starts its narrative) and resumed his duties of an adjutant to Kutuzov. Taking advantage of his proficiency in languages, Kutuzov had Mikhailovskii-Danilevskii writing reports and various memos on military operations in Russian, German and French languages as well as continuing to maintain the Journal of Military Operations. After Kutuzov’s death in April 1813, Emperor Alexander noticed the talented young official and took him into His Imperial Majesty’s Suite on Quartermaster Service, which served as a precursor to the Russian General Staff. Here, Mikhailovskii-Danilevskii was in charge of foreign correspondence and official Journal of Military Operations, which was now edited by Emperor Alexander himself. He attended the Russian emperor throughout the 1813-1814 Campaigns and, in addition to earning a promotion to captain in September 1813, was awarded a golden sword and the Prussian Pour le Merite for his actions in the Battle of Lutzen (May 1813), the Order of St. Anna (2nd class) and the Austrian Order of St. Leopold (3rd class) for his role in the Battle of Leipzig (October 1813) and the diamond signs of the Order of St. Anna (2nd class) for his involvement in the Battle for Paris in March 1814. 

In August 1814, Mikhailovskii-Danilevskii joined the newly established General Staff, commanded by Prince P. Volkonsky who appreciated the young officer’s knowledge of foreign languages and ability to maintain official correspondence. In 1815, Mikhailovskii-Danilevskii attended the Congress of Vienna where he handled Emperor Alexander’s correspondence. After being promoted to a colonel in 1815, he was appointed as flügel adjutant to Emperor Alexander and over the next three years accompanied him in various travels throughout Europe. At the same time, Mikhailovskii-Danilevskii also began experimenting with writing historical works and memoirs. He completed his biographical Ma biographie, Mes voyages, Histoire de la guerre 1812, Lettres sur celle de 1813 in 1814 and wrote several articles and anonymous histories that were published in Russian periodicals Syn Otechestva, Russkii Vestnik and Otechestvennie Zapiski. 

In December 1823, Mikhailovskii-Danilevskii was promoted to a major general and given command of 3rd Brigade of the 7th Infantry Division in Poltava. While serving there, he befriended local officers who later participated in the Decembrist Rebellion of 1825. This event dimmed his prospects for advancement and he resigned from his post in April 1826. Mikhailovskii-Danilevskii spent next three years arranging private affairs until, in 1829, he was called back to active duty during the Russo-Ottoman War. He was appointed as Duty Officer to General Ivan Diebitsch, who commanded the Russian army in the Danubian Principalities. Next year, he accompanied the Russian army sent to suppress the Polish Rebellion and was seriously wounded at the Battle of Grochow on 23-25 February 1830.

Returning to St. Petersburg, Mikhailovskii-Danilevskii began writing historical books and, in 1831, he published several works on the campaigns of 1813-1815. Emperor Nicholas I praised these studies and ordered Mikhailovskii-Danilevskii to write a comprehensive history of the wars of Alexander I. For this purpose Mikhailovskii-Danilevskii was granted a wide access to Imperial archives, but was closely supervised by the Imperial authorities. 

This assignment resulted in a series of fundamental researches on the Napoleonic campaigns. Mikhailovskii-Danilevskii was a prolific writer, who worked with a remarkable efficiency. He published “Campaign of 1814 in France” in 1836, “History of the Patriotic War of 1812” in 1839, “History of the 1813 Campaign” in 1840, “Description of the War in Finland” in 1841, “Description of the Wars with Turkey” in 1843, “Description of the First War of Alexander I with Napoleon“ in 1844, and “Description of the Second War of Alexander I with Napoleon” in 1846. These works brought him fame and awards. In 1834 Emperor Nicholas presented him with snuffbox decorated with brilliants for the work on 1812 Campaign. On 6 December 1835 he was promoted to a lieutenant general with the right to sit in the Senate, and three days later he was appointed a chairman of the Military Censorship Committee. In later years, he was awarded the Orders of St. Vladimir (2nd class, 1836), of St. George (4th class, 1836), of the White Eagle (1838), of the Red Eagle of Prussia (1st class, 1839) and of Alexander of Neva (1843), and the diamond signs of the Order of Alexander of Neva (1846). He became a member of the Imperial Council of War (1839) and of the Imperial Academy of Science (1843). Alexander Mikhailovskii-Danilevskii died on 9 September 1848 during the cholera epidemic in St. Petersburg. He was buried at the Tikhvinskoye Cemeteryof the Alexander Nevsky Lavra in St. Petersburg.

The original manuscript of the Journal of the 1813 Campaign is preserved at the Russian State Military Historical Archive (RGVIA) and it was published in Russian in 1990: 1812 god... Voennye dnevniki, ed. A. Tartakovskii (Moscow: Sov. Rossiya, 1990). This is its first English publication.

The Journal of the 1813 Campaign

My wounds barely began to heal and my condition slightly improved when General Konovnitsyn arrived from the army to St. Petersburg. He brought me Prince Kutuzov’s letter asking me to hurry up with returning to the main headquarters. Konovnitsyn told me that since he was planning to return to the army very soon he would be pleased if I accompanied him. I received with due appreciation such satisfying words from these two famous men and on 16 [28] January I traveled with Konovnitsyn, his entire family and adjutants, now Generals Pavlenkov, Akhsharumov and Frolov, to his family estate at Kiarovo, located in the Gdovskii uezd, where we spent one week. The generous hosts tended to us, young officers, like their children. I spent mornings with Konovnitsyn, browsing through his maps, plans and papers, among which the most interesting were those related to the last Finnish campaign,  when he served as a duty general. He had preserved his contemporary correspondence with Prince Bagration, Count Kamensky, Rayevsky, Tuchko and other famous generals, as well as the Emperor’s correspondence with Count [Fedor] Buxhowden, whose memory Konovnitsyn respected so much that he once told me, “If Buxhowden were alive today, it would have been him, not Kutuzov, commanding our armies during the Patriotic War.”  Buxhowden’s achievements, like almost all prominent Russians, are not described by anyone. I think that he would have been long forgotten if not for his courageous letter to the dreadful and all-powerful Minister of War Count Arakacheyev, which everyone had seen and which reproached this timeserver [vremenshik] for his haughty demeanor, excessive penalties and claims of authority to hold accountable even commander-in-chief; among other things Count Buxhowden [even] asked Arakcheyev, “Do you know what a ‘commander-in-chief’ really stands for?”
Talking about Konovnitsyn, I cannot but mention one beautiful trait of his character: he not only loved to give proper credit to and praise officers, who served under his command, but he did this with particular pleasure, which was visible on his kind face; it seemed that praising his subordinates for the very sustenance of his soul, so benevolent and sublime. He thus praised Colonel Gaverdovski, who was killed at the battle of Borodino, assuring that he had inordinary talents and had he survived the battle, he would have been an excellent genera;. “When he served under me,” Konovnitsyn said, “I demanded almost impossible tasks from him and he accomplished them all.” But he loathed foreigners and said that he never would have promoted foreigners to a general’s rank. "Sure, shower them with money,” he used to say, “but do not give them any ranks: they are mercenaries.” The abandonment of Moscow lay heavily on his heart. Rarely did a day pass without him mentioning to me about this circumstance, adding every time, “I did not cast my vote for the surrender of Moscow and urged the council of war to advance against the enemy." “Only once,” he told me, “did I advise to retreat during the Patriotic War, and that was at Krasnaya Pakhra.”

Our neighbors usually visited us at lunchtime. As expected all conversations were solely about the war of 1812 that had just ended and the memories of it were still fresh and vivid! Everyone listened attentively when Konovnitsyn told various war stories since he knew all details and secrets. In the evenings, we held dances and our hero [Konovnitsyn], who just weeks earlier was rushing like a lightning in front of the regiments and whom the future generations would consider among the liberators of Russia, played on a violin, albeit very poorly. Like many generals who the Providence immortalized during the war of 1812, Konovnitsyn was dismissed from military service by Emperor Paul and he used his banishment to ponder and enrich himself with knowledge because he, like all the nobles of his time, enlisted in the service very early in his life and before completing his education. In Russia, a statesman must educate himself during his adult years, because we lack appropriate educational facilities where we could be prepared for senior military or civilian positions and spend the best years for education in military service Konovnitsyn also prepared notes for the education of his children, whom he loved passionately and whose subsequent fate, especially his eldest son [Peter] and daughter [Elizabeth] whom he idolized, turned so terrible: his son was cashiered as a common soldier while the daughter followed her husband into the Siberian exile.

While commanding the 3rd Infantry Division, he issued an injunction on soldier instruction, which, among other things, stated, “The soldier must be certain that the number of bullets he carries is equal to the number of deaths he inflicts on the enemy.” During the battle at the village of Kakuvyachino, near Vitebsk, he was informed that the enemy had pushed one [of the Russian] wings back and asked for further orders. He simply responded, "Do not let the enemy in.”

Konovnitsyn’s name will forever remain in our history because of his participation in the Patriotic War. At Vitebsk, Smolensk and Borodino he commanded the most dangerous spots on the battlefield while his rearguard actions from Smolensk to Borodino, which daily featured more than 30,000 people and fifty guns, would have been considered among general battles in former times when armies were not as numerous as now. After the abandonment of Moscow, when our army was in great disarray, Prince Kutuzov appointed him as duty general because he was the most capable of restoring order among the troops. Not content with this position, he continued to be present in skirmisher lines or ahead of columns in all battles: one can say that he commanded troops in the battles at Tarutino and Maloyaroslavets; at Vyazma and Krasnyi, he inspired our soldiers through his personal example, rushing back and forth with incredible speed and acting on behalf of the commander in chief. Upon receiving the news that the enemy troops were longer present on Russian soil, he asked for permission to see his family, but one may ask when did he requested this vacation? When the Emperor himself came to Vilna to thank and reward the generals and personally greeted Konovnitsyn, thanking him for his service. At that very moment, when one should try to gain the monarch’s attention to procure awards, Konovnitsyn requested just one grace – a furlough of several days to embrace his wife and children. I saw him both in the heat of battle and in the midst of his family: a sincere respect for his memory is forever engraved in my heart, and his portrait will never leave my study.

A week later we traveled from Kiarovo to the main headquarters of the army, which was had orders (later countermanded) to concentrate between Posen to Schneidemühl.  As we traveled to Vilna, we observed everywhere the bloody footprints of the war. Starting from the Dvina River, all villages were burnt to the ground; residents deprived of shelter and food, nesting in holes dug by them in the ground; and only Jews showed some attempts at enterprise. These later should be given a fair due for services they provided to Russia and remaining devoted to us while the Poles still entertained hopes that the enemy would launch a new offensive in the spring and return to our borders. Vilna presented a horrible sight: infectious diseases rampaged there for two months; there was not a house where there were not sick and dying, while others stood empty, abandoned by their owners out of fear of contagion. We saw prisoners in multitudes at every step; the disasters that befell on them during their retreat from Moscow were so great that they considered themselves lucky to be in captivity; even the air was so cold and heavy that it was difficult to breath.

From Vilna we traveled to Plock and crossed the Niemen the following day. In the first Prussian settlement, Kalinovo, I found educated people, a piano, books and newspapers. It was a joyful sight after the disastrous scenes we observed in Byelorussia and Lithuania. Soon we entered once more the Duchy of Warsaw; it was not as devastated as the Russian provinces that served as a theater of war; Polish peasant houses and buildings were unscathed while [in our provinces] everything is burnt to the ground.

Upon arrival at Plock, I visited Prince Kutuzov. He received me very kindly and was in more joyful spirit than at Tarutino, which is natural considering the successful end to the Patriotic War. “You will again stay with me,” he told me among other things. At the headquarters, I found great changes compared to what was Tarutino where everyone easily entered the headquarters, oftentimes wearing frock coats made of the soldier's cloth. At Płock, however, the Emperor and his glistering retinue were staring and I saw many new faces, dandy horses and carriages; [back in 1812] when we were near Moscow, we lived like Spartans. At the headquarters, everyone was in engaged in activities, writing and making plans for future military operations, but special attention was paid to formation of reserve troops and the alliances with Prussia and Austria.

Quartermaster General Toll welcomed me with open arms. At the time he played the leading role [at the headquarters:] both the Emperor and the Field Marshal trusted him greatly, his advice was solicited in all affairs and nothing was decided without his council. As the French were expelled from Russia, Grand Duke Constantine Pavlovich told him, “You prescribed them a nice route from Tarutino through Vyazma and Krasnyi to the Niemen!” Konovnitsyn was appointed as the head of the Grenadier Corps; his former post of Chief of Staff of the Army was given to Prince Volkonskii, who instructed me to maintain a military journal and foreign correspondence, and thus I became exposed to the clandestine side of the 1813 Campaign. We possessed numerous captured enemy documents that had not been categorized yet; many of them were signed by Napoleon himself, and quite a few of them were later lost, for the future historian’s great chagrin. These documents showed clearly that the French had made careful preparations for the invasion of Russia and were quite afraid of us. I was also secretly shown the letter sent by the famous Prussian Minister Baron Stein to General York urging him to remain steadfast in his feelings towards Russia.

In early February, we marched from Plock to Kalisz. Our march was like a spring stroll; the green was just appearing everywhere, trees were blossoming and the beneficial sun is never so appealing as in the Northern countries in the first days of spring. We covered some twenty or more verstas each day. The Emperor was always on horseback, dressed as a dandy; his beautiful face never stopped exuding happiness. We advanced for more than three hundred verstas from our borders, but no one greeted us as the liberators. Only Jews, dressed in clownish clothes, carried out their sacred objects and colorful banners depicting the Tsar's monogram ahead of their settlements, beating drums, playing trumpet and timpani. The Poles appeared occasionally as well. As usual they did not know themselves what they wanted, some said that they were tired of the French yoke, others looked angrily at us, which was quite natural due to their deep-rooted resentment towards us as well as because our Army’s each march forward deferred the hour when Poland would restored. However, the Poles could not complain about us: our army maintained the strictest order.

Neither hostile attitudes of the inhabitants of the Duchy of Warsaw, nor indecisiveness of Prussian and Austrian cabinets, which were so close to the theater of war, or the Vistula River, that was fenced with strongly guarded fortresses, stopped our advance. The enemy fled in different directions: some fled to Dresden, others to Magdeburg, still others locked themselves inside fortresses on the Vistula
Oder and the Elbe, while the Poles withdrew into Krakow, where the survivors of “people’s representatives” who proclaimed the restoration of Poland in 1812, had escaped from Warsaw.

No matter how plausible it seemed that other powers would join us against Napoleon, we had, first of all, to place our hopes in the strength and future successes of our own troops, who needed to rest. At first [our leaders] considered to rest them near Züllichau but then decision was made to stop at Kalisz, where the headquarters arrived on 12 [24] February and the army occupied the surrounding area. Detachments were sent forward with orders to overtake the enemy, destroy them and incited the people of Germany to take arms. Count Wittgenstein, meanwhile, proceeded to Berlin, and various corps were deployed to observe fortresses still occupied by the enemy in our rear.

Events unfolded so rapidly that the recent exploits of the Russians on the Dnieper and the Dvina, on the Kolocha and the Nara, the burning of Moscow and Smolensk already seemed to belong to history and bearing no connection with the present events. As a result of our victories, our relationship towards other powers had changed. Russia was now as alone and abandoned by all as she was six months before but now she was not simply in anticipation of a bloody conflict for everything that was sacred for the nations but rather acted as the victorious power ready to fight for the independence of Europe. Her successes guaranteed her long-time safety from military offensives against her and therefore the struggle undertaken by our Emperor had to take a different form. Our cabinet had to be as skilful at the negotiating table as our army had shown itself on the fields of honor and earn the same aplomb in diplomatic affairs which our army had acquired in military affairs, and compel Europeans, who pay attention to tangible benefits, to feel the price of political liberty that Russia intended to grant them.

Shortly after our arrival at Kalisz, Prussian officers began to appear at our headquarters. While their appearance did give us some hope for Prussia’s cooperation, but it was far from being certain, particularly because General York, who was first to come to our side with his corps, declared, in response to our proposals for joint pursuit of the enemy, that he would not advance with us beyond Schlochau  and would certainly not cross to the left bank of the Vistula without the royal command; at the same time, the Prussian commandant of the fortress Graudenz rejected Barclay’s requests for artillery that was needed for the siege of Thorn. Prussian General Scharnhorst, famous for his military writings and one of the leaders of the secret societies in Germany, arrived at our headquarters. He was instructed by the king [Frederick William III] to conclude an alliance as well as to gather reliable information on our forces that were exaggerated for him both on paper and in verbal communications. Negotiations touched upon the issue of who should, in the case of joint operations of the Russian and Prussian troops, command the armies; our side suggested that whoever was senior in rank should take command but Scharnhorst argued that it would be more appropriate for Russians to take the lead because his countrymen were allies or auxiliary troops, and the Russians, as the first party to the war, should take precedence.

After Scharnhorst arrived British Ambassador Earl Cathcart, Swedish Minister Count [Carl] Löwenhielm and Austrian Charge d'Affaires [Ludwig] Lebzeltern. Thus Russia was no longer acting alone nor was she confined to her own troops in this new war. Nevertheless, we still had to incite our new allies to decidedly declare war and especially to dissipate the fear which gripped them in front of Napoleon. During our negotiations with them, we particularly emphasized the news of the continued victories of our advance troops who were already approaching the Elbe.

Meanwhile, we were also preoccupied with the formation of the interim government in the Duchy of Warsaw. Our goal was to make arrangements in this region and secure the rear and supplies of our armies.  With this in mind, we established a supreme council of five members, appointed by the Emperor, and a committee composed of members from each of the Duchy’s department or county. Our inexperience in such matters was rather amusing. The task of establishing the government of the Duchy of Warsaw was entrusted to Bezrodny, who had served his entire career at the supply and commissariat services. He did not have even the slightest idea on politics and did not know any foreign language. I met him in front of Prince Kutuzov’s cabinet where I was called by his lordship. Bezrodny stopped me, urgently asking me to inform the Field Marshal about his most difficult circumstances; "I have never written constitutions in my entire life,” he told me.

We noticed that in their bulletins and various pamphlets the French sought to assure the Germans (and they partially succeeded in this) that we had exaggerated our successes and that the French losses in Russia were negligible. Therefore, prince Kutuzov ordered me to publish news on our military operations in Russian, French and German languages and describe circumstances as they were. Never before have I had such a wide field to extol successes of my Fatherland. But my inspiration also took me too far and the Field Marshal [Kutuzov] once told me, "You have lost your touch and no longer write in prose but rather produce [laudatory] odes." But it was not difficult to find an excuse for this since that very same day we received the news on our capture of Dresden and our victory over the Persians [in southern Caucasia.]

Dmitri Osten-Sacken, Excerpts from the Chronicles of the Elisavetgradskii Hussar Regiment

General Dmitri Osten-Sacken served in the Elisavetgradskii Hussar Regiment throughout the Napoleonic Wars and later commanded Russian cavalry during the Russo-Persian and Russo-Ottoman Wars in 1820s. Fighting in Poland in 1831, he commanded a corps during the Crimean War. These excerpts were originally published in Voennii sbornik, 10 (1870), 237-248.

Excerpts from the Chronicles of the Elisavetgradskii Hussar Regiment

Her Majesty Queen Olga Nikolayevna of Wurttemberg’s Elisavetgradskii Hussar Regiment, previously the horse jager regiment, had a misfortune of losing a sachet with official papers during the 1812 Campaign which resulted in a gap of several years in its regimental histories. Blessed with a remarkable memory, I am probably one of the last surviving veterans of the Elisavetgradskii Regiment and, having learned recently about this gap, I thought it my responsibility to recount everything I knew about the glorious past of this illustrious regiment.

In 1804, I was enlisted in the Elisavetgradskii Hussar regiment, whose chef was my father Major General Baron Erofei Kuzmich Osten-Sacken. I was only twelve years old so five years were added to my age: birth certificates [metricheskikh svidetelstv] were not required yet back then. Previously, I was already considered on service since age three in the Life Guard Semeyonovskii Regiment, but after the accession of Emperor Paul I, I was removed from the lists together with others. Despite my youth, I was very mature, curious lad with a remarkable memory.

One of the first chefs of the Elisavetgradskii, back when it was still a horse jager, regiment, was Colonel Palenbach, whom I knew only from regimental traditions. Veterans told me that, under his command, the regiment distinguished itself at Dubenka during the Polish campaign of 1793. Later the chef of the Elisavetgradskii Horse Jager Regiment were [Ivan Petrovich] Dunin,[1] [Pius Ksaverievich] Veropoiskii.[2] After the unit was converted to hussar regiment it was led by chefs [Fedor Dmitrievich] Sukharev[3] and Baron [Erofei] Osten Sacken.[4] The regiment was converted to hussars on Emperor Alexander I’s ascent on the throne.

My father, a major general and chef of the Pskovskii Dragoon Regiment, was dismissed from the military service by Emperor Paul I in 1799 but restored by the benign manifesto [of Alexander I] in 1800 and appointed chef of the Elisavetgradskii Regiment, which was renamed after him. When my father thanked him for this appointment, His Majesty told him, “You commanded a five-squadron regiment, but I am now entrusting you with a ten-squadron regiment.” In those days, a person was supposed to kneel at such nominations. My father, as he was rising, got entangled with his saber and almost fell down, but His Majesty helped him stand up.

My father joined his regiment at the village of Yampole in Podolsk gubernia and, that very spring, he moved with his unit to new quarters in Elisavetgradskii, where the regiment remain until 1805. That year, it departed for the Austerlitz Campaign.

During my father’s tenure, the following colonels were squadron commanders: Lisonevich, who later commanded the Chuguevskii Uhlan Regiment; Roslavlev, a man of remarkable wit, kindness and dazzling gallantry, who was killed at Austerlitz; Girgorovich, Shau-Vsevolozhskii, who served as chef of the Elisavetgradskii Regiment from 1808 to 1812.[5] Lieutenant colonels: Kurdimanov, Adler-Bau, Shostakov, who became chef of the regiment after Vsevolozhskii’s death in 1812. Majors: Mau, Knabe, both men of outstanding intelligence, honor and well educated. Rotmistrs: Tomilovskii, Turchaninov. Other regimental staff included regimental adjutant Smorodskii, regimental treasurer Sugakov, an excellent and well-educated officer, who was an expert in mathematics. I know this well because, when I was 10-11 years, he taught me geometry with great success.

In those days, in addition to chef, there were also regimental commanders. In a five-squadron regiment, they commanded all five of them but in ten-squadron regiments, they commanded [only] six squadrons. Ten-squadron regiments were divided into two battalions: the first battalion was commanded by the commander of the 5th squadron and the second was led by commander of the 6th squadron. Between 1801 and 1805, the regimental commanders were: Colonel, later Major General, Melissino, who descended from Nikifor Melissino, who was married on the sister of the Byzantine Emperor Alexius Komnenus. Alexey Petrovich Melissino[6] was a remarkable man in every aspect: of dazzling wit and education, he was handsome, spoke fluently on five languages and was courageous like lion but equally quick-tempered. His body was of classical proportions and served as a model for the famous sculptor Falconet in his work on the monument of Peter the Great on the Senate Square [in St. Petersburg]; for this purpose, Melissino usually rode on one of his excellent horses onto the sloping platform that purposely arranged for this near the rocky pedestal of the monument. For his actions during the assault on Ismail, he was awarded the Order St. George of 4th Class by [Alexander] Suvorov himself; in 1812 and 1813, he distinguished himself for brilliant raids with the Lubensk Hussar Regiment, which he personally recruited. In 1813, at the Battle of Dresden, he led his Lubensk [hussars] in a charge against the square of the French [Imperial] Guard and, to the sorrow of entire army, he was slain by three bullets.

Soon after Melissino, Major General Count Wittgenstein, [7] future prince, commander-in-chief and fieldmarshal, served as a regimental commander under my father. He is too famous for me to talk about him.

After Count Wittgenstein, Major General Count Lambert, famous for his gallantry, became regimental commander around 1803; he was promoted to adjutant-general and later commanded the Grenadier Corps. There was hardly any other regiment that was fortunate to have so many celebrated officers in its ranks.  Count Lambert was succeeded, for a brief period, by Major General Prince Golitsyn.

Well-known Karl Karlovich Merder,[8] a man of noble spirit and future tutor of the current Emperor [Alexander II], graduated from the 1st Cadet Corps in 1805 and was assigned as a cornet to the Elisavetgradskii Hussar Regiment, where he became chef adjutant to my father, who loved and treated him like a son.

During our cantonment at Elisavetgradskii, our inspector was general of Cavalry Marquis Dotichan, a French émigré, who spoke only few Russian words. His reviews were outlandish and, [I think] it is necessary to record them into annals of history to demonstrate how undeveloped and misconstrued military service was in those days. He inquired about any complaints in the following manner: [he ordered] squadron “march from left and right” and then usually asked the following questions, “Satisfied you? You have everything?” [in a broken and mispronounced Russian] or some times a more personal question, “You married?” – [To soldier’s response] “Single, Your Excellency,” [he would ask,] “Many children?” He would then inspect ammunition and horses. Once, my father, the inspector and the squadron commander were sitting at a long table. Vakhmistrs brought cavalry headgear from each squadron and the marquis inspected them with ….. for correct width of belts. The next day, he conducted field exercise with absurd and completely useless deployments, for example: a ten-squadron regiment advances in companies [povzvodno]: [Dotichan orders] “deploy to the right and companies make flanking maneuver to the left [povzvodno nalevo krugom zaezhai]. March-march.” Even more absurd: Ten squadron stand in expanded front [razvernutim frontom.] Orders are issued to “change front and flanks [peremena fronta i flangov]; “back line move back by four to the right [zadnya sherenga otstupi po chetire napravo]… First company turns left, regiment gallops like crazy, horse run away, the right flanking section have their buttons on breeches torn off; breeches thus dangle around and when the 10th Squadron finally arrives, the order is “stop in front [stoi vo front] and the entire regiment is deployed with its back to the front. The injured are then gathered to the ambulances and taken to hospital.

Sometimes campaign marches were used, usually as follows: regiment, deployed in company column [vzvodnoi kolone], departed Elisavetgradskii through the Mirgorod gates. [Orders are given] “Advance guard, rear guard and flank patrol, Deploy!” Forward company moves some hundred paces ahead, following a non-commissioner officer and two privates leading it. The last company does that same in an opposite direction. Each company flanks in both lines [sherenga] depart to the right and left and the regiment proceeds to the village of Chernyavka, four miles away from Elisavetgradskii, to visit sympathetic noblemen Ivan Alexandrovich Sokolov, where a delicious lunch is set for officers inside the house and another one for the rank-and-files in an open field. The regiment then returns in the same martial order and advance guard service and maneuvers are thus over.

That same year (1805), my father led Elisavetgradskii Regiment on campaign and fought at Austerlitz, where, during this fateful battle which ended in a complete defeat of the allied Russo-Austrian forces, the regiment served under command of Adjutant General Uvarov on the right flank.

Many believe that it is impossible to rally a routed cavalry. And without the commander’s authority, which is gained through love and respect, this is certainly unfeasible. But there are exceptions. My father led his regiment in a charge against the French cuirassiers (who back then usually deployed in a single line). The French cuirassiers [suddenly] parted to the right and left exposing a battery that met [our] hussars with canister fire and routed them. My father, admired by entire regiment, soon rallied it, brought to order and repeated his attack. The French repeated the same maneuver: they again met [us] with canister and the hussars were routed again. My father tried in vain to stop the fleeing troops for the second time and, being pursued by the French troops [latniki], he halted his horse and told his adjutant Merder, “I am not going to shame myself anymore!” They were surrounded by about fifty French cuirassiers and tried to parry their attacks. My father’s helmet fell on the ground and, [one of the French sabers] cut off part of his back of the head, almost reaching the brain itself. Merder suffered three cuts to his head. They were dragged off their horses and taken back [to the French lines].My father was pulled by his cartridge pouch and since he could not run because of his age, exhaustion [and wound], [the French] shoved their swords against his back, inflicting fourteen more wounds; the pouch finally ripped apart and my father fell to the ground.

Meantime, the commander’s absence was noticed in the regiment. Lieutenant Sotnikov, remarkably strong man who could unbend two horseshoes at once, yelled “Who wants to come with me to rescue our chef?” He was accompanied by six hussars and my fathers servant [kamerdiner]. They pursued and engaged the French and, in a savage battle, Sotnikov alone wrangled with six men. I should note that this incident took place during our disorganized retreat of our army. Twenty year old Merder reached his regiment on foot. My father was unconsious and Sotnikov wanted to rip the hanging part of the back of his head, but only exacerbated the wound and had to put the piece back in its place, together with its hair. My father was put across the horse and transported to the regiment and then an infirmary. A few days later, a gangrene [antonov ogon] set in his wound and some parts of it had to be removed. Some time later, the wound finally healed and my father, with health destroyed and barely seeing, survived for another three years. This heroic exploit of honor and self-sacrifice of the chef, his adjutant, Sotnikov and his comrades cannot but instill a feeling of humility and compassion in the reader.

During the 1806-1807 Campaigns, the Elisavetgradskii Regiument served with particular distinction under the courageous chef Adjutant General Yurkovskii. The regiment was deploted in Wilkomir in the Viln gubernia between 1807 and 1812, including Count Golitsyn’s campaign against the Austrians in Galicia. During this campaign, the unit was attached to Adjutant General Baron Korff’s cavalry corps. There was not a single exchange of fire by the advance posts, nor any battles.

In 1807, at the age of 14, I was promoted to cornet and served in repair unit [remontnoi komande] of Colonel Shau, living with my parents at Elisavetgradskii and working on my education. We were ordered to dispatch the remaining horse, 29 in all, and the repair unit of 30 men in December of that year. To illustrate how well developed I was at my early age, I should mention the fact that Colonel Shau ordered me, a 14-year old boy, to lead the unit and horses to Wilkomir.  When I brought them to the chef, Major General Yurkovskii was satisfied with the horses and praised me in very flattering terms.  I was billeted with the chef adjutant, my unforgettable friend, Merder. Saddly, about two months later, he was transferred to the 1st Cadet Corps and, being orphaned, I turned with my curiosity and zeal to studying, especially the military art. I had excellent books and spent time reading books on strategy and tactics as well as besieging and defending fortresses.

Among earlier squadron commanders now were Lieutenant Colonel Chursov, Major Baron Rosen (later commander of the former Chuguev Uhlan Division), rotmistrs Shabelskii, Solyanikov, Kerstikh and Vsevolozhskii, the chef’s brother. There were also three excellently educated junior officers, three Shabelskiis, Paskevich (brother of [General Ivan Paskevich] the prince of Warsaw), Polzikov, Velyaminov-Zernov, Simonov, Redkin (later marshal of nobility of the Ryazan gubernia), Vsevolozhskii (chef’s son), Nagel and Tutolmin. All of exemplary noble spirit.

However, historical chronicle should be objective and fair and, recording positive aspects of this epoch, we should conceal its weaknesses. Here is an example of how rudimentary the troop management was back then. Weapons, ammunition and cloth were remarkably clean. Weapons and all metallic items sparkled because of excessive polishing which of cause only harmed them. Inspecting a musket, a ramrod was forceful pushed so that, hitting the breech it to produce as loud sound as possible. The horse breaking and training was rudimentary. The steeds often remain unbroken and disobedient, frequently leaving the line [front.] There were many fatigued and exhausted horses.

Hussars were taught to fire their carabines in volleys (!), rarely practiced  target firing and even then with clay bullets [puliami]. Here is a comical example of military maneuvers. There was a hill [kurgan] near Wilkomir, where a barrel of vodka was placed for soldiers and numerous wine and other kinds spirits for officers. The regiment, marching with loaded carabines, had to assault this hill with incessant gunfire and yells of hurrah and, reaching the target, it then began a drinking bout [popoika]. This completed the entire maneuver.

Drinking was widespread among officers but only a group consumption since drinking alone was considered as a lewd and inappropriate act. Drinks constantly changed. Sometimes they consumed the Champagne wine, later it was replaced by zhenka, then lipets, kovenski med – costing ten rubles per bottle, a strong beverage –, then a punch followed by some unknown mixture of sugar with porter, rum and some more Champagne, and after that a mint vodka from Vilna. Each spirit was consumed for several months.

Drinking zhenka always assumed a martial bearing: the room was covered with rugs; in the middle, there is a some kind of pot with sugar burning in rum, men with pistols (their powder chambers sealed) in hand sit around in several rows. When sugar melts completely it is mixed with the champagne and the mixture is then poured into pistols and the drinking binge begins. Musicians, trumpeters and singers are in nearby rooms or in the courtyard…. But amidst this muddle, there was also discipline and honoring of ranks. During the drinking orgy, when participants reach the stage of swearing love and kissing each other, commander [nachalnik], on the whim, suddenly changes in mood and looks upset and fierce. All arise and the drunk chief censures his drunk subordinate, sometimes sending to the hauptwacht and the subordinate, with the humbleness of a lamb, obeys him, not daring to utter a single word of protest but simply murmurs, “Guilty [vinovat]....” and leaves for the hauptwacht. Soon the commander relaxes again and asks everyone to sit and the feast continues. In our regiment, there was not a single example of insubordination and disobedience. Alcoholism was relatively limited among the rank-and-file because they were severely punished for it. One last note on this remarkable phenomenon, which clearly shows that the drinking was just childish revelry: when taste for drinking passed in the twenties [1820s], all those, who used to drink till drunken stupor, completely sobered and consumed no spirits at all.

I cannot but mention about pranks in rotmistr Turchaninov’s squadron, which was deployed in Shatovo while the Elisavetgradskii Regiment was quartered at Wilkomir. Rotmistr Turchaninov, when under influence, loved to perform services dressed as a priest. Here is his favorite prank: they make sub lieutenant Itskov drink to stupor, dress him in a shroud and put him into box with a candle placed in his hands. Turchaninov, dressed as a priest, then performs funeral service. The entire squadron, with tallow candles in their carbines, accompanies the deceased to the hill near the village. The box with Itskov is placed on the top of the hill and, with the service – inadvertent  sacrilege – over, the troops return home. Meantime, Itskov sobers up by the dawn and, shivering to his bones and dressed in a shroud, he runs back to the quarters.

Yet, in spite of all these absurdities, the army, which had no direct training for battle except for strict discipline and subordination - worthy of the troops of Gustavus – performed dazzling and incredible exploits and complacently suffered all deprivations, scant food supplies and inadequate cloths in the winter time. Here one cannot fail to remember an ingenious joke made by a soldier in Count Sologub’s “Tarantass”:  “During the siege of Silistra [during the Russo-Turkish War], in deep autumn, our tattered overcoats simply could not keep our bodies warm. So, in terrible cold at night, here you was lying on your stomach and covered with nothing but your back. [bivalo liazhesh na zhivot, da I nakroeshsia spinoi.]”

There was one more dark aspect [to military service]: ruthless, tyrannical treatment of soldiers. Soldiers were punished not only for crimes and misdeeds, but also for any minor errors on drills and were sentenced to hundreds of whips with sticks. Sticks were brought in advance but if there were none of them soldiers were punished with ramrods and fuchtels [beating with sabres]. Many suffering from lung conditions [udushlivikh I chakhotochnikh] were disabled. And all this against the pious, obedient, loyal and prepared for any sacrificed Russian soldier – an ideal soldier!

Cruelty sometimes reached unbelievable atrocity [zverstva]. When lower ranks were promoted to officer rank [exempt from corporal punishment], their commanders often concealed orders, caviled for no reason and punished them with several hundred hits with sticks so that, according to them, these soldiers remembered it for a long time. Junkers were exempt from corporal punishment, but special, no less excruciating, punishments were devised for them; for instance, they were placed “under the gun or carabines” that is a musket was placed on each of their shoulders and, while holding them very close to muzzle’s end, several more arms were then added [to increase their weight]. I always feel inexpressible sadness recalling this dark time.

I wish my comrades from the Elisavetgradskii Regiment, of whom I am probably the only surviving member, could glance at our current army which they would not believed their eyes. The army is dressed in nice, warm outfits, the hateful white belts, drilling step and carrying arms on your left hand are all abolished, food supplies are improved, regulations simplified … in the cavalry – horses are broken and trained, and in complete obedience of rider; the degrading corporal punishment is abolished, but is still used for very few cases of outrageous behavior; the army is surrounded with paternal care of all kind... Brilliant exploits can be expected from the troops with the acquired sense of honor and excellent qualities of the Russian Orthodox Christian man.

In 1812, the Elisavetgradskii Regiment was attached to the 1st Cavalry Corps of Adjutant General Fedor Petrovich Uvarov, which also included Life Guard Dragoon, Uhlan, Hussar and Cossack regiments. Among other battles, Uvarov’s corps distinguished itself at the bloody battle of Borodino. On Prince Kutuzov's order, when our center and left wing, under the command of memorable hero… Prince Barclay de Tolly desperately fought against superior enemy forces around Rayevskii’s battery, suffering from canister from the front and cannonballs and shells [ganati] from the left flank and charge at intervals by the enemy cavalry, Uvarov led an attack on the extreme left flank of the enemy and alleviated pressure on our center and left wing. Napoleon himself came galloping to the threatened flank, together with the Viceroy of Italy [Eugene], who, during one of Uvarov’s charges, entered one of the French squares. Thus, our center and left wing could breath freely at last. Uvarov’s attack had, undoubtedly, important effect on the outcome of the battle and he was helped by [Ataman Matvei] Platov’s Cossacks, who also appeared in the enemy rear. During this attack, the Elisavetgradskii regiment captured two guns but could not drive them away.

One more celebrity in the Elisavetgradskii Regiment came of common stock. During the French retreat in the Patriotic War of 1812, when, due to Partisan [Alexander] Seslavin’s memorable exploit, Napoleon’s intentions to rush to the grain-producing Kaluga province were uncovered and, after [General] Dokhturov’s heroic actions at Maloyaroslavets, which the enemy captured eight times but Dokhturov recaptured it nine times, Napoleon was driven back to the Smolensk road and the regions which he already devastated. Our advance guard, commanded by Count Miloradovich, approached then the Kolotsk Monastery. Private Samus of the Leib-Squadron of the Elisavetgradskii Regiment, a tall, athletic, witty and gallant man who was wounded and captured at Borodino, appeared in front of the count as a commander of 3,000-men strong guerrilla detachment which he organized from the peasants of nearby villages. Having escaped from his captivity, Samus found the area around the Kolotsk Monastery well suited for his guerrilla actions and suggested to local peasants to organize a detachment, attack the enemy lines of operation, supplies and isolated units and arm themselves with enemy weapons and ammunition.

He initially attacked small enemy units and, after he procured enough weapons and ammunition and his force grew to some 3,000 men, he then coordinated his actions and gathered forces using church bells and attacked substantial enemy detachments and once even attacked an entire enemy battalion. He established a very strict discipline among his troops and no insubordination ever occurred. Samus also established his own guard unit, dressed in hilarious uniforms, which he presented to Miloradovich: French infantry uniforms, trousers with boots over bast sandals, metal armor of French cuirassiers, peasant caps, infantry muskets and pouches… I personally witnessed this pleasant and comic scene. This hero, Samus, requested the count to send a trusted man with him to count the enemy dead bodies in the woods. The agent counted up to 3,000 dead. Count Miloradovich promoted Samus to non-commissioned officer, awarded a medal of the Military Order and, based on the count’s nomination, Samus was later promoted to officer rank.

It is useful to note here to what disgrace and calamity descends an army, which allows insubordination and disorder. Abuses against inhabitants, robbery, and, in particular, profanation of sacred sites, arouse hatred, spite and feeling of vengeance in the religious people, who soon produced many heroes. The Lord blinded the haughty Napoleon and he could not control his crumbling army.

Here is an example of ghastly behavior of Frenchmen and their commanders. When, Maloyaroslavets was finally taken, I entered its main square and saw on the church doors inscription with the chalk: "Escurie du general Guillemino [Stables of General Guillemino].” After entering the church, I was terrified at finding it completely destroyed and defiled: everything was broken, destroyed and full of manure!

In 1813 and 1814, the Elisavetgradskii Regiment served with distinction [in Germany and France] but details remain unknown to me, except for the regiment’s memorable exploit under General Winzegorode at St. Dizier in 1814….


Notes:

[1] Lieutenant General Ivan Dunin served as chef of Elisavetgradskii Regiment between December 1796 and March 1798; he was promoted to general of cavalry in January 1798.

[2] Major General Pius Voropaiskii commanded Elisavetgradskii Hussar Regiment between 26 November 1797 and 24 March 1798 and served as chef of the same unit between 24 March 1798 and 8 May 1799. He later served as chef of the Sibirskii Dragoon Regiment (April 1801-September 1803) and of the Tverskii Dragoon Regiment (September 1803-January 1806)

[3] Colonel Sukharev became commander of the Elisavetgradskii Regiment on 13 June 1798. He was promoted to major general and made chef of this unit on 8 May 1799 and served until 22 December 1800. He served as the chef of the Irkutsk Dragoon Regiment between 12 December 1802 and 13 January 1806.

[4] Erofei von Osten Sacken III commanded the Pskovskii Dragoon Regiment in April-October 1798. Promoted to major general on 6 October 1798, he also became chef of the Pskovskii Dragoon. The following March, he became commander of this regiment and later was appointed chef of the Elisavetgradskii Regiment on 22 December 1800, leading it until January 1807.

[5] Major General Aleksey Vsevolozhskii served as chef between 25 January 1808 and 26 January 1813, when he died.

[6] Melissino served in December 1800-January 1801

[7] Wittgenstein commanded between October 1801 and January 1802.

[8] Karl Karlovich Merder (1788-1834), tutored Alexander Nikolayevich, future Alexander II, from 1824 until his death.

Fedor Schubert (Shubert), Diary of the 1813 Campaign

Fedor Fedorovich Schubert (Shubert) (1789 – 1865) was born to a German noble family in St. Petersburg. He began service in the Quartermaster Service of the Imperial Retinue and served on a diplomatic mission to China in 1805.Returning to Russia, Schubert rose to a sub-lieutenant in the quartermaster service and took part in the campaigns in Poland in 1806-1807, fighting at Eylau (wounded, earned the Order of St. Vladimir, 4th class). After recuperating, he joined the Russian army in Finland and fought at Forsbü, Revelholm and the capture of the Aland Islands. In the summer of 1809, he took part in the Russo-Swedish negotiations leading to the Peace Treaty of Fridrixham on 17 September 1809. Schubert then served under the Russian Foreign Minister Nikolay Rumyantsev and served on several diplomatic missions to Napoleon between late 1809 and early 1810.

In the spring of 1810, Schubert joined the Army of Danube and fought at Silistra, Shumla, Ruse and Batin, where he was wounded and earned promotion to captain and a golden sword. During the 1812 Campaign, he served as ober-quartermaster of the 2nd Cavalry Corps in the 1st Western Army and took part in the actions at Ostrovno, Smolensk, Borodino, Spas Kuplya, Tarutino, Maloyaroslavets, Vyazma and Krasnyi. For the 1812 Campaign, Shubert garnered the Order of St. Anna (2nd class) with diamonds and promotion to lieutenant colonel (29 July 1813). In 1813, he served with the 2nd Cavalry Corps at Glogau, Lutzen, Bautzen, Reichenbach, Löwenberg, Goldberg, Katzbach, Zobten and Leipzig, where he earned the rank of colonel and the Prussian Orders of Red Eagle and the Pour le Merite.

In 1814, Schubert served in the Army of Silesia and distinguished himself at La Fère Champenoise and Paris. In March-December 1814, he served as a liaison officer between the Russian and Prussian headquarters. In July 1815, he became ober-quartermaster of the Russian occupation corps in France, where he remained for the next three years. Returning to Russia, Schubert became director of the III Section of the Military Topographic Depot in 1819, director of the Topographic Corps in 1822 and director of the Military Topographic Depot in 1832. In 1829-1837, he headed the Hydrographic Bureau of the Naval General Staff, rising to major general in 1820, to lieutenant general in 1831 and general of infantry in 1845. He served as general quartermaster of the General Staff in 1834-1843 before becoming a member of the War Council in 1843 and head of the Military Academic Committee in 1846. During his career, Schubert was instrumental in completing numerous topographic maps and surveys of various Russian provinces.

The original manuscript is preserved at Russian State Historical Museum and was published in Russian in 1992:1812-1814: Iz sobraniya Gosudarstvennogo Istoricheskogo Muzeya (Moscow: Terra, 1992). This English translation was earlier published on the Napoleonic Series website.

Diary of The 1813 Campaign

APRIL-MAY


18 [30] April. I arrived the day earlier to Gössnitz, after traveling on a terrible road. Korff took command of the detachment from St. priest. I traveled to Altenburg to speak with Blucher; I found there only Miloradovich, who told me that the enemy was marching to Leipzig via Naumbourh and Weissenfels; that the Prussians were repulsed at Mersebourg and that General Bertrand[1] with 25,000 men advanced from Jena to Altenbourg. I left and dispatched two detachments to Zeiz and Gera.

19 [1 May].  Miloradovich’s entire corps concentrated at Altenbourg.The position between the town and river is dreadful; finally, it is decided to take up positions on the right bank of the Pleisse. Cannonade can be heard: it is Winzegorode engaging enemy advance guard near Lutzen.[2]

20 [2 May]. We got news that Wittgenstein was to attack; we marched to Predel on Elster. Arriving at Meuselwitz, we changed plans and marched to Zeiz, where we took up excellent position behind the town. Wittgenstein’s battle could be heard and seen in distance. We hoped for better. (No. 1)

21 [3 May]. At 3 a.m. we received order to advance to Pegau. Arriving at Predel, we encountered the Prussians and the retreating army of Wittgenstein; to cover their march to Drashwitz, we took up disadvantageous position near Predel.  Winzegorode, who was to march with his cavalry through Pegau, moved instead to Moelsen and Zeiz; as a result the enemy turned our right flank. At 4 a.m. the enemy attached us and took Draschwitz. We remained in position at Köneritz until night and then retreated.

22 [4 May]. After a night march to Lucka, we arrived at Frohburg, where we encountered Miloradovich with his corps and Wittgenstein’s corps. We bivouacked in front of the town, awaiting them to march through it, and then moved through the town and deployed on quite good positions. The Prussians, who were to defend Borna, abandoned it and the large enemy columns turned our right flank, moving towards Briessnitz; by the end of the day, we moved to Geithain.

23 [5 May]. At afternoon we learned that the Prussians, who were to defend Colditz, retired from there. We marched to Rochlitz; just as we arrived, we were told that St. Priest engaged the enemy as Harta. We marched at once to Geringswalde, where we were almost cut off. The action continued until the evening and we defended position at Waldheim, where all our forces, including cavalry from Frohburg, finally concentrated.

24 [6 May]. The following day, we retreated to Etzdorf, because the enemy concentrated superior forces at Dobeln, where the Prussians were supposed to be. Miloradovich and Wittgenstein halted at Nossen and the former gave order to march again to Waldheim. Korff tried to prove the impossibility of this order and, having failed, he then pretended to be ill. Prince of Württemberg took his command. We arrived at Nossen and camped at Tanneberg.

25 [7 May]. We retreated to Wilsdruff. Had we remained a half an hour longer at Tanneberg, the enemy would have captured us.

26 [8 May]. Early ion the morning we moved to Dresden, where we crossed the Elbe at noon without any enemy pursuits. The bridge was blown up prematurely: rear guards of Miloradovich and Lanskoy crossed the Elbe on the bridges upstream and downstream. The previous day, the enemy suddenly attacked Lanskoy at Freiberg but failed to anticipate us at Dresden. During the crossing of the Elbe, an infantry battalion[3] distinguished itself: it was abandoned at the bridgehead on the left bank and the bridge was set on fire; the battalion, having thrown weapons into the river, swam with its officers across the river under the enemy fire. What troops! The fighting on the Elbe continued till evening.

27 [9 May]. During the night, 40 enemy skirmishers crossed the Elbe and established a bridgehead at Ubigau. [We] tried to drive them back, but they were reinforced. Gradually, Miloradovich’s entire corps was committed to the action, but failed to achieve success because of large enemy batteries, skillfully deployed on the opposite riverbank. We suffered considerable casualties and retired to Reichenberg in the evening. After an arduous march, we were ordered to recapture the town and defend the crossing. Miloradovich successfully executed it since the French made a mistake of not occupying Neustadt.

28 [10 May]. Early in the morning, we marched to Weissig; the enemy was deceived by our march to Reichenberg and removed batteries and skirmishers along the Elbe; this saved us from serious difficulties.

29 [11 May]. At afternoon, the enemy attacked St. Priest, who held his positions; the army plans to take up position at Gobau, where all quartermasters were already recalled.

30 [12 May]. Having changed position, we deployed behind Bautzen. I traveled to Bischofswerda, where I found the advance guard engaged in bitter fighting; I returned with Korff to Bautzen.


1-2 [13-14 May]. Complete serenity. King of Saxony, having returned to Dresden, made a new alliance and surrended Torgau. Commandant of this fortress, General Tielemann[4] fled and was accepted to our service with a rank of lieutenant general.

3 [15 May].  The enemy repulsed Miloradovich to Bautzen; our cavalry executed two good charges against the enemy infantry.[5] Emmanuel,[6] who was at Neukirchen, captured 500 men. Barclay’s advance guard arrived at Hoyerswerda. Kleist’s[7] corps joined the army. At noon, the enemy, although within our artillery fire, remained calm, perhaps because he could see our entire army preparing for battle. It was said that only Macdonald and Marmont[8] were opposing us. We received news that there was an engagement between the Austrians and the French near Peterswalde. Stadion[9] was expected at the Headquarters.

4-5 [16-17 May]. The enemy remained calm; our troops occupied the town and the right bank of the Spree; the enemy is on the opposite bank.

6 [18 May].  Barclay’s army joined us on the right flank; as a result our line became more extended. We received news that Lauriston and Sebastiani,[10] who at the opening of campaign were ordered to move to Magdeburg, turned back and marched on the road to Hoyerswerda against our right flank. General Barclay moved against them.

7 [19 May].  Barclay encountered the enemy at noon near Konigswarta; there was a vicious actions and [Barclay] was reinforced by the Grenadiers and Kleist’s corps. The enemy was repulsed and joined the army at Bautzen. 10 guns, 1,000 men and 2 generals were captured.

8 [20 May].  Barclay with his troops returned to the army. At 2 a.m. the enemy attacked us, captured the town, drove Miloradovich back to the initial positions and occupied the heights on the left flank, that were recaptured only after a savage fighting late in the evening.

9 [21 May]. At 7 a.m. the enemy attacked our left flank; the heights changed hands several times before we finally secured them.  At 11 a.m. Napoleon attacked our right flank. Barclay was slightly pressed but held ground; then Napoleon attacked Blucher and by 5 p.m. he completely defeated him. Retreat was ordered at this time and it was carried out in complete order and without casualties. At this moment Bavarian force of 8,000 men[11] newly arrived and, having attacked our left flank, captured the heights with extraordinary swiftness; however, the enemy was soon again driven back and in the evening we recaptured the heights. At 6.p.m. our army began retreating, covered by the cavalry; our advance posts remained near the battlefield, and we took a cannon, captured by the cavalry. Hochkirch was burning all through the night and we stayed at Plotgau.

10 [22 May].  Early in the morning we moved to Loebau, where we stayed until 9 a.m. We received news that another our column, marching through Glogau, was hard pressed by the enemy but still moved through; therefore, we had to continue march. On the heights between Schöps and Reichenbach we found General Rayevsky[12] fighting superior enemy forces to cover our retreat. We took up positions behinds the town; a vigorous cannonade soon commenced. The enemy cavalry pierced through between the Ölisch River and the town. Having turned the left flank of our infantry, it attached our cavalry that was disorganized by this surprise attack, but soon rallied and counterattacked. However, were soon forced to abandon this position and held ground near Landskrone. A cannonball splinter killed Duroc[13] as he stood near Napoleon when he persuaded the Saxons to leave Torgau and advance.

11 [23 May].  After a night at Gorlitz, we took position in front of Leopoldschayn; Blucher covered the road to Bunzlau. At 2 o’clock, we were attacked but having defended a defile between Leololdschasyn and Trotschendorf, we held ground at Lichtenberg until darkness; we camped Schreibersdorf

12 [24 May].  The enemy attacked our rear guard from two sides, forcing it to retreat and take up position ay Lauban. Under new disposition, Korff was completely removed from command and, as a result, we bivouacked at Lowenberg.

13 [25 May].  Our rear guard approached the town in the evening and we spend night at Pilgramsdorf. Count Pahlen,[14] who commanded this rear guard, was lightly wounded.

14 [26 May].  We marched to Goldberg. The Prussians gained success over the enemy; 18 guns captured and entire division scattered. Marchal Davout had his leg torn off.[15]

15 [27 May].  We march to Jauer.

16 [28 May].   We march to Striegau. At noon I traveled to Schweidnitz to meet General Barclay and returned at night.

17 [29 May].  We move to Jauernick; I again traveled to Schweidnitz.

18 [30 May].  I again traveled to Schweidnitz with General Korff.

19 [31 May].  The army is camped behind Schweidnitz. The rear guard is at Jauer. In the morning I will go to Schweidnitz and later we all will march there.

JUNE

20 [1 June].  In the evening, the enemy occupied Breslau. There are rumors about negotiations. The Prussians declared they will not cross the Oder River.

21 [2 June].  Shuvalov traveled to meet Napoleon; a 36-hour armistice is concluded.[16]

22 [3 June].  The army is retreating to Gross-Wilkau. A 6-week armistice was recently signed, on conditions not favorable to us.[17] As a result, the troops are placed in quarters. We remain at Schweidnitz, Korff was given the 2nd Cuirassier Division.



2 [14 June]. We left Schweidnitz and arrived at Roth-Schloss, where we spent night at General Rezvyi

3 [15 June]. We arrived to Strehlen and spent night at Marienau.

4 [16 June]. Arrived at Grottkau and rested on the 5th.

6 [18 June]. Marched to Brieg. Korff left to recuperate at the Landeck resort.

7 [19 June].  We marched to Dammer; quarters were terrible and we decided to change them, arriving

8 [20 June]. to Navssadel, where we stayed with Mr. De Heydebrandt for five weeks.


JULY-AUGUST


13 [25 July]. Since the armistice was prolonged, we remained tranquil. I traveled several times to [Andrey Pavlovich] Zass and together we ventured to Prince of Württemberg at Carlsruhe. I had then to examine that area. We expect Kretov’s cuirassier division tomorrow. Korff received command of entire light cavalry and I remain with him. Korff instructed us to join him at Grottkau, where he arrived a few days earlier from Landeck. We traveled to Brieg.

14 [26 July]. We arrived at Grottkau only to find dreadful quarters. On the 16th – grand review of the Guard and cuirassiers; the Emperor [Alexander] and the King [of Prussia Frederick William III] held it. On the 17th – review of Uhlans, where we got soaked by the rain.

25 [6 August]. I left Grottkau for Munsterberg to organize bivouacs and tomorrow our troops would arrive there. On the 27th the Grand duke [Constantine} would join them.

29 [10 August]. Yesterday Korff received order to join Langeron’s corps, where he was to take command of cavalry.[18] We passed through Frankenstein and arrived at the Headquarters at Reichenbach. The following day I was promoted to lieutenant colonel. I will [soon] travel to Burse.

31 [12 August].  We passed through Schweidnitz and arrived to the quarters at Buntzelwitz.


AUGUST-SEPTEMBER


3 [15 August].  We march to Strigau. Yesterday famous [Antoine Henri] Jomini (chief of staff of the 3rd Corps) defected to our side.

4 [16 August].  We march to Bolkenhagen, where we will stay on the 5th

6 [18 August].  Marched to Schonau. The Advance guard moved to Goldberg that was abandoned by the enemy. Kaisarov[19] with his detachment was attacked at Lahn and driven back.

7 [19 August].  We march to Zobten. Rudzevich[20] with advance guard attacked the enemy at Sibeneichen and drove him back. Meantime, Macdonald arrived to reinforce Lauriston from the Lahn direction and in the evening we were forced to re-cross the Bober River. The Prussians, who were to attack Lowenberg in the meantime, dispatched there only their advance guard after they encountered the enemy at Graditzberg.

8 [20 August].  The enemy left Lahn and Sibeneichen. Sacken is at Bunzlau, while we remained idle.

9 [21 August]. The enemy feinted to retreat and then suddenly crossed the Bober at Lowenberg, attacked the Prussians and tried to pass between them and us. A ferocious fighting began that ended with our retreat to Pilgramsdorf. Sacken , meantime, was attacked at Buntzlau and driven back. It was said that Napoleon had arrived.

10 [22 August]. I was dispatched to Kaptsevich, who was marching to Vogtsberg. The enemy attacked us at 11 o’clock with 10-12000 men: we retreated and fought behind Goldberg. The army marched to Hammersdorf; during the night I returned to Korff.

11 [23 August]. General Blucher devised plan of attack, based on intelligence that the main French forces had retreated and we were facing only Lauriston. Me moved to Goldberg. The action was successful. York[21] and Sacken were to turn enemy flank, but Sacken reported that an enemy detachment was at Liegnitz, so we again retired to Hammersdorf.

12 [24 August]. We march to Jauer.

13 [25 August].  We march with cavalry to Seichau. The army is at Hammersdorf. The Prussians are on our right flank. The enemy remains at positions at Goldberg, facing Plaunitz.

14 [26 August].  At 8 o’clock the enemy attacked us and drove the advance guard to our initial positions, where we resolutely engaged him. The battle continued for entire day; cannonade was dreadful, similar to that at Borodino; we remained on the battlefield. It rained constantly and so heavily that it was almost impossible to fire muskets. Meantime, the Prussians and Sacken advanced forward and attacked the enemy, capturing 50 guns and a few thousand prisoners.[22] Completely soaked and hungry, we went to bed in miserable hut.

15 [27 August].  At dawn, our advance guard pursued the enemy, who tried to hold ground at Goldberg. A square of 4 battalions was mowed down and 8 guns captured. Headquarters were established at Goldberg. The road reminded me the route from Moscow to Vilno. It rained continuously and the Katzbach was inundated.

16 [28 August].  The army remained at Goldberg; the advance guard pursued the enemy and captured six guns and numerous prisoners at Pilgramsdorf. The Prussians also engaged in pursuit and seized 9 guns. We received news that Bernadotte won a victory[23] four lieues from Berlin, capturing 27 cannon, 2,000 men and is moving to Torgau, while Wittgenstein capture fortified camp at Pirna.

17 [29 August].  The weather is finally improving; we are marching to Lowenberg. On route, we learned than an enemy column, that was moving towards this town, failed to cross the Bober River because of inundation and advanced to Buntzlau. A French division, marching to Schonau, retired yesterday to Zobten  but failed to cross the river there as well.  It then moved to Lowenberg to attempt crossing but was anticipated there by our advance guard under Rudzevich. As soon as cannonade was heard, Korff led his entire cavalry to Zobten. Prince Sherbatov’s corps followed him. The enemy, deployed on the heights with its rear towards the river, opened heavy artillery fire.  Two jager regiments were dispatched to attack [the French] from rear. The action ended in less than an hour. 16 guns, 4 colors and entire division of 4 infantry regiments with its commander General Puthaud[24] were captured or drowned in the Bober. Thus was the result of an action that cost us nothing.

18 [30 August].  The army concentrated at Zobten; it was decided to cross the river at Dippelsdorf, where a Westphalian division is deployed, with its 20 guns at Lowenberg. Korff took the command.

19 [31 August].  During the night, construction of pontoon bridges began but becayse of swift current of the Bober as well as ignorance of pontoon engineers, we crossed only around 9 a.m., though we did not encountered any obstacles from the enemy who retreated under the cover of darkness. Yesterday, St. Priest’s advance guard reached vicinities of Greiffenberg. We proceed to Greiffenberg. The road to Seiffersdorf was dreadful; Rudzevich’s advance guard, having passed Braunau, already reached Lauban. We received news that on the 14th Wittgenstein assaulted Dresden but was repulsed with considerable losses; that Napoleon with his army crossed the Elbe at Konigstein and that our main army took positions upstream near Altenbourg.  (No. 2)

20 [1 September].   The advance guard crossed the Lucies at Lauban. We remained idle. Sacken marches to Naumburg. Bennigsen with his army proceeded from the direction of Breslau , which he already passed. We held Te Deum for the liberation of Silesia and in the evening we marched with cavalry to Lauban.

21 [2 September].  At dawn, we left for Kahna, but the enemy already evacuated Gorlitz; the outposts were moved towards Lobau. The Poles abandoned Zittau.

22 [3 September].  We march to Gorlitz. The advance guard under Vasilchikov proceeded to Hochkirch. We received news that Vandamme with 40,000 men crossed the Elbe at Konigstein and was attacked by our army at Kulm, near Teplitz on the 18th; his corps was completely destroyed, Vandamme himself, together with 6 generals, 20,000 men,  and over 60 guns captured. Tauenzien[25] captured 1,500 men and 11 guns near Lucka. Chernishev[26] seized 2,000 men and 9 guns. Barclay received the Order of St. George (1st class), Shwartzenberg and Blucher – the Order of St. Andrew the First called, Osterman[27] (who lost his hand) – the Order of St. George of 2nd class, Miloradovich – a sword with diamonds and 50,000 rubles, Langeron – a monogram[28] and 30,000 rubles. Sacken was promoted to general of infantry.

23 [4 September].  We marched to Bautzen; near Hochkirch, we received news that Napoleon arrived with his guard; that the enemy halted retreat and that he recaptured Hochkirch and advanced. We remained at Lobau.

24 [5 September].  At 1 a.m. we advanced to Gorlitz and took positions near Landscrone. Around 5 p.m. the enemy drove our advance so far back that our army had to re-cross the Neisse in great disorder. Finally, everything worked out fine because the enemy failed to exploit circumstances. As for us, we proceeded to Lauban.

25 [6 September].  The army arrived at Lauban and crossed the Lucies. The enemy advance guard crossed the Neisse but could defeat our advance guard.

26 [7 September].  It is still quiet.

27 [8 September].  A plan of offensive on Gorlitz is adopted; early in the morning, we marched to Ostrig, where we arrived in the evening. St. Priest crossed the river and camped on the opposite side of the town.

28 [9 September].  We marched to Bernsdadtel; St. Priest attacked the Poles[29] at Lauban and drove them back. Instead of attacking us on march, the enemy retreated. York, who was to make a frontal attack, did not appear. In the evening, our cavalry occupied Reichenbach while Sacken took Gorlitz.

29 [10 September].  Days of rest; the enemy retreated to Bautzen.

30 [11 September]. We received news of Crown Prince [Bernadotte’s] victory over Ney of 6 September (new style).[30] As a result, 60 guns and 10,000 men were captured. At 3 p.m. we resumed march on a dreadful road to Neusalza.

31 [12 September].  Day of rest. It became known that the main army was already engaged in battle for two days but it is unclear where and how.



1 [13 September]. A heavy cannonade was heard from early morning, but no one knew where it came from; in the evening we learned that St. Priest attacked the enemy; details are unknown.[31] Langeron knows virtually nothing: neither was should be done, nor what the enemy does nor what do we do.

2 [14 September]. Completely quite.

3 [15 September]. We marched to Bautzen; Sacken’s corps at lamenz, Kaptzevich and Bubna[32] in the vicinity of Neustadt. Our advance guard occupied Bischofsverda. St. Priest is nearby at Drelnitz.

4-9 [16-21 September]. Completely peaceful.

10 [22 September]. Yesterday we received news that Napoleon was constructing bridges at Pirna and that his army was crossing to the right bank of the Elbe. Today our entire line of outposts was attacked; we are abandoning Bischofsverda. Napoleon himself arrived at Stolpen.

11 [23 September]. Our advance guard was driven back to Pfortgen; the cavalry moved to reinforce it but returned in the evening without taking part in the fighting. Two battalions of Westphalians were mowed down by Emmanuel.

12-13 [24-25 September]. Peace. On the 13th, the French retreated behind Bischofswerde and returned to position at Hartkau.

14 [26 September]. Our outposts advanced to Konigsbruck. There are rumors that King of Sweden had died.[33]

15 [27 September].  We left Bautzen and camped at Konigsbruck.

16 [28 September]. Marched to Ostrand.

17 [29 September]. Marched to Elsterwerda.

No.1 In the Battle of Lutzen, the French army was almost completely defeated, when at 5 p.m. Viceroy[34] arrived with 25,000 men from Leipzig and revived the battle. Nevertheless, we camped near the battlefield. 14 guns and many prisoners were captured. The following day, our army had to retreat because of lack of ammunition. The enemy had to do the same but in such haste that he left 60 guns at Weissenfels, out of which 40 were spiked. However, seeing that we were not there, [the French] returned. Marshal Bessieres[35] was killed.

No. 2. Our army [Army of Bohemia] approached Dresden and, instead of attacking town defended only by 6,000 men strong garrison, it wasted two days. At 4 p.m. on the 14th, the army finally attacked but that same afternoon Napoleon had arrived with his guard and repulsed [the Allies] with [considerable] losses. Meantime, Vandamme with 40,000 men moved to Konigstein, where we left only 3,000 men; he drove them back and thus forced the [Allied] army to retreat to Altenburg. There was a horrible carnage in the streets of Dresden: some 15,000 killed and wounded were counted on our side; the troops advanced as far as the palace. Moreau[36] lost both his legs, Ostermann - his hand.




Notes:

[1] General Henri Bertrand commanded the 4th corps.

[2] It was an action at Reippach.

[3] Battalion belonged to the Schlüsselburg Infantry Regiment.


[4] Johann Adolf Tielemann was a major general on the Saxon army and commanded a brigade in the 4th Cavalry Corps in 1812. After entering Russian service, he commanded the Frei Corps and distinguished himself throughout the 1813 Campaign.

[5] Schubert refers to an action at Gödau on 15 May, where Fedor Uvarov and Dmitry Uzefovich attacked Macdonald’s infantry.

[6] During the campaign in Saxony, George Emmanuel took part in the sieges of Modlin, Glogau and then commanded a detachment around Zwenkau. He was one of the first Allied commanders to cross the Elbe River and participated in minor actions prior to the battle of Bautzen, where he distinguished himself fighting Marshal Macdonald. During the armistice in the summer of 1813, he served on the Bohemian borders. For his actions in the spring of 1813, he was awarded the Order of St. Anna (1st class) and the Prussian Order of the Red Eagle (2nd class).

[7] Friedrich Kleist von Nollendorf commanded the 2nd Prussian Corps in 1813.

[8] Frederick Luis Marmont commanded the 6th Corps in 1813.

[9] Johann Karl Stadion was one of the leading Austrian statesmen of the era. In 1813, he served as an Austrian envoy to the Allied headquarters.

[10] Horace Francois Sebastiani commanded 2nd Cavalry Corps in 1813.

[11] Shubert refers to Raglovitz’s Bavarian Division of Oudinot’s 12th Corps.

[12] General Nikolay Rayevsky commanded the Grenadier Corps.

[13] Geraud-Christophe-Michel Duroc was one of Napoleon’s closest friends and advisers.


[14] Schubert refers to Count Peter Petrovich Pahlen II.

[15] The news about Davout’s wound was simply a rumor.

[16] Following disastrous battle of Bautzen, the Allies needed time to regroup. A contemporary wrote, “We could not turn down an armistice offer. Following the battle of Bautzen, chaos reigned in the army. Having changed the commander-in-chief, we need to give him time to reorganize army.” Sherbinin’s Notes, inn 1812 god… Voennie dnevniki (Moscow, 1990), 275.

[17] Schubert refers to the Pleiswitz Armistice between Russia, Prussia and France. Although Shubert’s describes it as “unfavorable,” the armistice was Napoleon’s major blunder since it allowed the Allies to regroup their forces and entice Austria to their side. It should be noted that Napoleon himself desperately need time to organize his own forces as well, following the disastrous campaign in Russia


[18] Korff’s command included the 3rd, 4th and 21st Dragoon and 1st and 2nd Horse Jager Divisions.


[19] Paisii Kaisarov served as a duty general to Kutuzov in late 1812 and in 1813, he commanded Cossack advance guard.

[20] Alexander yakovlevich Rudzevich served as chief of staff and commander of the advance guard of Langeron’s Corps in the Army of Silesia.

[21] Hans David Ludwig York, Graf von Wartenburg, commanded the 1st Prussian corps in the army of Silesia.

[22] Subert refers to the battle of Katzbach fought on 26 August 1813.

[23] Reference to the battle of Gross Beeren fought on 23 August 1813.

[24] Puthaud commanded a division of the 5th corps.

[25] Boleslav Friedrich Emmanuel Tauenzin von Wittenberg commanded the 4th Prussian Corps in the Army of North.

[26] Alexander Chernishev commanded a flying cavalry detachment.

[27] Alexander Osterman-Tolstoy commanded Guard Corps in the Army of Bohemia.

[28] Langeron was allowed to have a monogram of Emperor Alexander’s initials be embroidered on his uniform.

[29] The Poles were the 5th Corps of the French army.

[30] Reference to the Battle of Dennewitz.


[31] According to Journal of Military Operations, St. Priest engaged three enemy battalions and captured 300+ men.

[32] Ferdinand Bubna und Littitz was an Austrian diplomat who carried out several diplomatic missions to France in 1812-1813 and commanded light division of the Army of Bohemia’s advance guard.

[33] It was just a rumor since King of Sweden died in 1818.

[34] Shubert refers to Vice Roy Eugene.

[35] Jean Baptiste Bessieres  was killed on 1 May at Rippach, prior to the Battle of Lutzen.

[36] Jean Moreau distinguished himself during the Revolutionary Wars. He was disgraced by Napoleon and lived in exile in the U.S.  In 1813, he was invited to join the Allied army against Napoleon and served as military adviser to Emperor Alexander. He was mortally wounded by a cannonball near Dresden on 27 August.