Peter Chuikevich - Patriotic Thoughts or Political and Military Considerations ...

Chuikevich, Peter Andreevich (1783-1831). Born in a family of minor nobility in the Poltava gubernia. He studied at the Sukhoputskii Shlyakhetskii Cadet Corps, where he distinguished himself in mathematics and foreign languages (French and German) and after graduatin in 1797, he began service as an ensign in the Kronshtadtskii Garrison Regiment. In 1804, he was appointed to His Imperial Majesty’s Suite on Quartermaster Service, which at the time served as the Russian General Staff. He participated in the 1807 Campaign in Poland against the French and in the Russo-Turkish War in 1808-1809 and was awarded four orders for gallantry and service. In the spring of 1809, Chuikevich retired and turned his attention to military theory. In 1810, Minister of War Mikhail Barclay de Tolly, who had appreciated Chuikevich’s skills, appointed him to the newly established Secret Chancellery of the Ministry of War, which served as the center of Russian military intelligence.

Chuikevich served as one of the leading analysts in the Secret Chancellery, producing numerous memos, coordinating activities of Russian spies abroad and Russian counter-intelligence at home, etc. In September 1811, he was promoted to lieutenant colonel. In March 1812, Colonel A. Zakrevskii was appointed as the head of the Special Chancellery and asked Chukevichto prepare an analytical memo on the future war with Napoleon and recommendations on how to wage it. The result was Chuikevich’s “Patriotic Thoughts Or Political and Military Considerations On the Upcoming War…” Chuikevich’s memo argued that Napoleon would seek a decisive battle to eliminate the enemy armies, therefore the Russians should avoid one as much as possible. Referring to the Spanish example, he contended that ‘it is necessary to wage against Napoleon a war that he is not accustomed to’and to start a guerrilla war utilizing flying detachments to harass French communications and supply lines. Chuikevich anticipated that the Russians would have to abandon vast territories to Napoleon but then, having gathered sufficient forces, they would be able to give battle to the exhausted, overextended and significantly reduced enemy forces. Chuikevich’s memo, submitted in early April 1812, clearly indicates that the ‘Scythian plan’ was considered and discussed in its various aspects by the Russian high command on the eve of war.

During the 1812 Campaign, Chuikevich left the Main Headquarters and served in one of the flying detachments before joining Ataman Matvei Platov’s Cossack Corps. In the summer of 1812, he was promoted to a colonel. He distinguished himself at Borodino for which he was awarded the Order of St. Vladimir (3rd class). He accompanied Barclay de Tolly when he was dismissed and sent out of the main army. In January 1813, he was appointed the head of the Special Chancellery, serving in this position under late 1815. He retired in November 1816 but returned to service in October 1820, when he was assigned to the Main Staff [precursor of the General Staff] In 1821, he attended the Congress of Europe in Laibach and was promoted to a major general in December 1823. In 1829 he became the chief of staff of the Separate Orenburg Corps but died two years later

Chuikevich is largely unknown in the West but his works has been discussed for a long time in Russia. In 1996, V. Bezotosnyi published an annotated edition of Chuikevich’s memo in Rossiisskii Arkhiv (vol. 7, 1996). Chuiikevich left several published works, including Poznanie cheloveka [Understanding a Man] (1806); Podvigi kazakov v Prussii [The Cossack exploits in Prussia [ (1810); Strategicheskie rassuzhdeniya o pervykh deistviyakh rossiyan za Dunaem. [Strategic consideration on first Russian operations across the Danube] (1810); Rassuzhdeniya o voine 1812 g. [Considerations on the War of 1812] (1813), Pokushenie Napoleona na Indiyu 1812 goda [Napoleon’s Plans for India in 1812] (1813); Zatei Napoleona v prolozhenii pokhoda 1812 g i prochee [Napoleon’s Designs during the 1812 Campaign, etc.] (1814).

Patriotic Thoughts

Or

Political and Military Considerations

On the Upcoming War between Russia and France

And on Inciting an Insurrection in Germany by Means of a Military Expedition

Consultons les Annales de l’Histoire

et nous verrons des peuples fermes

et magnanimes braver et vaincre les perils

[Prepared by]

Expeditor of Secret Chancellery

Of Ministry of War

Lt. Colonel of Quartermaster Service

Chuikevich

Vilna

2 April 1812

TABLE OF CONTENT
PART 1: Political and Military Considerations on the Upcoming War between Russia and France
1. Importance of the Upcoming War between Russia and France
2. Causes of This War
3. Means that Napoleon uses to compel Peoples to raise arms
4. Does Russia have reliable Allies and on which of them must she rely the most?
5. Forces gathered by Napoleon for the upcoming war with Russia
6. Forces that Russia can deploy against Napoleon
7. Nature and Causes of Napoleon's Wars
8. Nature of War that Russia must wage against Napoleon
PART 2: On Inciting Insurrection in Germany
9. On inciting an insurrection in Germany by way of a military expedition
10. Composition and maintenance of this Expedition
11. Plan of action and purpose of this Expedition.
12. Principles that this Expedition must pursue in its actions.
13. What will the success of this Expedition be based upon?
14. Considerations with respect to Austria and the Ottoman Porte, and means that must be taken against them.

PART 1:

Political and Military Considerations on the

Upcoming War between Russia and France

1. Importance of the Upcoming War between Russia and France
The upcoming war between Russia and France will be very important in its consequences. It will not be similar to the last three wars [in 1798-1800, 1806, 1806-1807] because in these wars, and especially in the last one [in 1806-1807], Russia acted as the Power that assisted others. Now, she must wage a war to protect the integrity of its possessions and for the very independence of her state. Napoleon plans to keep Russia within borders [existing at the time] of Peter the Great. But Russia awaits a glory: to humble [Napoleon’s] lust for power, restore freedoms of European nations and add another Battle of Poltava to the Annals of History.

2. Causes of This War
After concluding the Peace of Tilsit [in 1807], Napoleon continuously limited Russia ’s relations with other nations, whom he enslaved one after another. The lands [of Duke of Oldenburg] related to the Imperial Sovereign of Russia became prey to Napoleon’s lust for power [in 1810]. [ Russia ’s] continuing wars with Turks [1806-1812] and the Persians [1804-1813] are results of his insidious policy to weaken Russia and compel her to direct attention onto her domestic affairs. At the present condition, Russia cannot prosper without [active] foreign trade. Unforeseen circumstances of the last war with the French, however, compelled Russia to join the current system of firm land, which is completely against her interests and has destroyed its trade.

The Russian Emperor, feeling his own dignity as well that of the nation entrusted to him [imperiled], exhausted all measures of patience in an attempt to retain friendship with France .
The upcoming war is a general desire of the nation, which is tolerant, brave, firm and dedicated to its Faith, Sovereign and fatherland, and for whom peace with France turned more onerous than the war itself.

3. Means that Napoleon uses to compel Peoples to raise arms
Only blind persons tend to argue that Napoleon’s intentions are for the well being of European nations and for the freedom of the seas for the development of trade and industry. The Tuilleries Manifestos announce this [on paper] but [in reality] Napoleon’s actions and intentions reveal completely opposite. There his greedy ambition lifts a veil over his cunning policy and reveals to an observer his true intentions that aim solely to subordinate the European continent to one law and one will.

Napoleon is not as frightening in war as he is in time of peace. Nations, who interested into alliance with him, his quill turned more dangerous than his sword. Hardly does he conclude a peace with a nation, as he prepares chains for it and, prior to declaration of war, shakes its base by measures, in which he excels, that disorder the coils of government administration and saw seeds of unrest in it, while spirit of revolt and discontent spreads in provinces. After bringing a Power to such a miserable condition, [Napoleon] tries, through secret means, to let the people of that nation to feel the heavy burden of its condition and to arms itself. And as a result of this devilish policy, Napoleon has a major advantage on the eve of war: which is to be not seen by the blinded Frenchmen as an instigator of war, while having great expectations in the successful outcome of the war.

4. Does Russia have reliable Allies and on which of them must she rely the most?
Recent examples show that none of the Coalitions was successful against Napoleon. Each Coalition fielded a vast number of forces ready to overwhelm everything but divergent thoughts of its member Sovereigns; passions of ministers that led it; divergence from an original goal; disagreements of commanders-in chiefs and mistrust of the Sovereigns to entrust the Coalition leadership to one of them – these are the reasons why an intelligent and enterprising enemy defeated the Coalitions nations piecemeal and celebrated his triumphs over the Coalition.

Only England and Sweden can be Russia ’s allies. We must be very cautious about Sweden , unless we are completely sure that its Crown Prince [Karl Johan/Bernadotte] is genuinely predisposed to us. England , of course, will provide us with money but if she delays her support with the navy and landing force, as she did in 1807, then her support will be negligible.

Thus, in the upcoming struggle, Russia must rely solely on her forces and turn to non-traditional means, which will be based on the firmness of the Sovereign and the devotion of his people, which must be armed and instigated, as in Spain , with the help of the Clergy. We can be certain the Russian will make any sacrifices if the government shows resolution to continue a war and overcome losses, and to not conclude a peace which will allow Napoleon to once again badger us and enchain other nations.

5. Forces gathered by Napoleon for the upcoming war with Russia
Based on intelligence that the Ministry of War possesses at the moment, we can positively say that Napoleon has never undertaken such vast and extraordinary preparations and never has he mobilized such a massive force. His forces amount to 450,000 men, including the troops of the Confederation of the Rhine, Italians, Prussians, Swiss, Spanish, Portuguese. It also includes 42,000 cavalry and up to 500 cannon. By the end of the month, these forces will be already concentrated in the Duchy of Warsaw and Old Prussia.

6. Forces that Russia can deploy against Napoleon
In beginning of this war Russia will not be able to deploy more than 130,000 infantry, 30,000 regular cavalry, 15,000 Cossacks and 800 guns, for a total of some 200,000 men.
Note: Key measures must be taken to complete formation of the three observational armies which will probably be ready only towards the end of the campaign.

7. Nature and Causes of Napoleon's War
Napoleon is praised for rapidity of his actions. This distinction is not natural to him as it was to the great Suvorov, but rather he does it because of his impatience, uneasiness and fear that the war, which he always fears will prolonged, will open the eyes of the Frenchmen that they are shedding their blood to satisfy his greedy ambition, not to ensure their own safety; he also fears that a prolonged war will exasperate European nations that he subjugated. Guided by these concerns and relying on his constant superiority in forces, experienced generals and troops that are accustomed to such maneuvers, he always seeks a decisive battle so he can decide the outcome of war in one or two engagements.

His impatience oftentimes led Napoleon to commit important mistakes, which, however, his enemies either did not want or could not exploit. His maneuvers are not miracles of military art, but rather defeats inflicted on others and quick conquests that can be attributed to issues discussed in No. 3.

8. Nature of War that Russia must wage against Napoleon
Russia must wage a defensive war. The main principle of such a war is to undertake and execute actions completely opposite to what the enemy desires. Napoleon, having all means and resources to begin and maintain an offensive war, seeks decisive battles - therefore, we must avoid any general battles as far as our supply sources [permit]. [Napoleon] oftentimes undertakes actions and movements without a plan [na udachu] and he usually does not conserve his men. Therefore, we must preserve our troops and use them only in major battles. We must consider actions with great caution and commit ourselves to the surest ones.
Napoleon completely understands the traditional warfare and this factor cost dearly to other nations. So it is necessary to wage against Napoleon a war to which he is not accustomed. We must base our success on an impatience that is characteristic to him. This impatience would cause him to commit errors, which we must exploit at once, and move from a defensive war to an offensive one.

Avoiding decisive battles; waging a guerrilla war with flying detachments; [targeting] enemy's lines of operations; preventing enemy foraging; and staying resolute in pursuing the war - such should be the essence of the war [against the French which would be] new to Napoleon, exhausting to the French and unbearable to their Allies.

It is possible that early on in the campaign, [we] would have to surrender a vast area of land to Napoleon. However, as his army is exhausted and diminished after advancing deep into our realm, we will use our fresh and superior forces to give him a decisive battle and will more than recover the lost territory, especially since enemy pursuit would be rapid and relentless, for which we have a superiority over Napoleon in the quantity and quality of our cavalry.

Napoleon's losses in our land would serve as a signal to people's revolt in Germany who anxiously await a minute when they would throw off the unbearable yoke of slavery.

So, the following principles can be deduced from above mentioned:
1. To avoid any decisive battles with [Napoleon's] main force until appropriate moment.
2. To exploit every opportunity when Napoleon sends out detachments from his army; [we must] to concentrate superior forces against this parties and destroy before he is able to reinforce them.
3. To constantly harass the enemy, sending strong irregular forces to attack him day and night. We have an unquestionable and clear advantage in this.
4. To maintain several flying detachments of one or two thousand men (from light troops) that should be given to gallant officers from regular troops. Their mission will be to constantly harrass and intercept the enemy lines of operations, attack the enemy flanks and rear, destroying whatever they can.

PART 2:

On Inciting Insurrection in Germany

9. On inciting an insurrection in Germany by way of a military expedition
If Russian, Swedish or English armies decide to attempt to land a force in Northern Germany or Pomerania, then to ensure greater success of this enterprise I dare to propose to incite an armed insurrection in Germany , particularly in its northern regions. On the first glance this may seem impossible, but rather convenient for gallant and enterprising.

10. Composition and equipment of this Expedition
The following is needed to create and equip an expedition that will be sent into the heart of Germany
1.         All preparations must be conducted in secret
2.         Designate 6 or 8 Don Cossack regiments and divided them into two or three detachments which should be entrusted to the best and most gallant officials of the Don Cossack Host.
3.         This corps should be deployed near Ustilug [a town on the border of Austria and the Duchy of Warsaw].
4.         So as not to raise suspicions with this [expeditionary] corps, we must announce that it is designated to maintain cordon along the Austrian border.
5.         The corps should be entrusted to an intelligent and enterprising general of regular troops, which should be given relevant instructions and complete authority to maintain order and discipline as it is done with army commanders-in-chief.
6.         The commanding general must be given one assistant and a number of brave staff- and ober- officers from various branches of regular service, and diplomatic officials who can, if needed, direct insurrections. They all must be fluent in German.
7.         Equip Cossacks with at least 1000 muskets and sufficient number of cartridges.
8.         Provide the commanding general with the best maps of Poland and Germany , as well as Extraordinary Fund in gold and printed proclamations which should be written in the spirit of each German people.
9.         In the entire corps, no one should be allowed to have a transport wagon, but only the require number of bags.
10.       The entire corps should be paid salary for half a year in money and for one year in advance in silver.
11.       All officials assigned to this corps should arrive at the place of concentration no earlier than two days before the corps starts its campaign.
12.       No one should know on the other’s purpose and mission, and the commanding general should distribute instructions only the day before.

11. Plan of action and purpose of this Expedition.
The expedition must cross the border as soon as military operations begin and there are no enemy forces on our western frontier.

The corps must always proceed on two or three parallel roads, each separated at the distance of half-march or one march at the most.

The corps should take direction on Chelm and Lublin, cross the Vistula River betweeb Pulawy and Rachow, then proceed to Kielce, avoid Częstochowa and enter [Prussian] Silesia.

After crossing the Oder at Opeln, the corps should proceed between Breslavl [ Wroclaw] and Schweidnitz towards Legnica, then turn westward towards Gorlitz in Saxony.

If there are no troops in Dresden, this city should be captured and the royal treasury seized, while a contribution should be levied in Leipzig.

After passing Saxony, the corps should take direction on Westphalia, passing between Magdeburg and Kassel onto Braunschweig and Hannover.

Here, in northern Germany , the corps should incite a revolution and spread insurrection. We can be certain that the Prussians, Westphalians and Hannoverians would flock in droves to the banners of the Insurrection, whose leaders should be appointed largely from among the Germans themselves.

Moving from one place to another throughout the northern Germany , the corps must keep an eye in the direction where the Allies will land their forces, and direct its operations there.

If an insurrection fails, the corps should fight its way to join the landing force. If this proves unfeasible, the corps must seek other means of returning to Poland and our borders, while inflicting as much damage onto the enemy as possible.

12. Principles that this Expedition must pursue in its actions.
Complete secrecy should the main principle in plans and actions of a commanding general. The corps’ detachments must avoid major roads and defiles.

While moving from one place to another, the corps must spread false rumors on directions of detachment. For this purpose, it can even veer off in any direction and make minor circuit marches.

To save no money on gathering intelligence on the enemy and his intentions. If the enemy is strong, to take a different direction to avoid him; if he is weak, to destroy him.

If there are any military or supply depots in settlements and towns that the detachments pass, these must be destroyed. Similar action should be taken against any transports that are discovered near the detachments’ routes.

While passing Silesia, the diplomatic section should start operating and distribute proclamations. This must be done also in Germany .

Kindness, threats and money should be used interchangeably to achieve goals.

While passing various States, the corps should seek to recruit agents who can spread and sustain a spirit of discontent against the French among local population as well as as gather intelligence.

In the villages and towns of the Duchy of Warsaw, the corps should collect contribution and horses.

In Germany and Silesia, the corps must pay for everything in cash, except for necessary food and forage.
In all towns on or near the corps’ route, all monies belonging to the crown should be requisitioned and placed in the Extraordinary Fund, which commanding general maintained at his discretion for the benefit of the Expedition.

13. What will the success of this Expedition be based upon?
The success of this expedition will depend on skill and enterprise of its commanding general; courage of its detachment commanders; selection of regular officers and diplomatic officials; lightness and capacity of troops; historical examples and general discontent against Napoleon in Germany .

14. Considerations with respect to Austria and the Ottoman Porte, and means that must be taken against them.
Austria cannot look indifferently as Russia occupies Moldavia and Wallachia and exercises influence in Serbia . The hope of acquiring the first two provinces has been guiding Austria ’s foreign policy against the Porte and Russia for many years now. After France forced Austria to give up ports on the Adriatic Sea, this power has no access to the sea, and the Danube River, with its estuary, is the only outlet for Austrian trade and, therefore, the goal of its [foreign] policy. [Nowadays] Napoleon seeks to convince Austria to declare war against us and assures her that he will assist in acquiring Moldavia and Wallachia.

In current circumstances, it is more expedient for Russia to give up Wallachia and even Moldavia to the Turks, rather than Austrians. We must obtain favorable conditions for Serbs, Moldavians and Wallachians in the [future] peace treaty with the Turks, who should accept the right of these peoples to select their hospodars [rulers] while the Porte will confirm them. If this is achieved, we will still maintain direct influence in these lands that, at a more opportune time, will certainly become ours. Having surrendered these lands to the Porte and revealed dangers which Napoleon poses to it, we will gain the Turks as allies against the Austrians and the French.

If [our] government has no intention in surrendering part of these lands either to Austria or the Porte, and if the former decides to act against us, then we should have no difficulties in inciting Hungarians against Austrians, while turning the Slavic tribes, inhabiting the region between the Rivers Savoi, Drina and Chernogoria, against the Turks and the French. Ali Pasha [of Janina] himself is fighting for independence from the Porte and, if we promise to recognize him as the king of Epirus , which he desires, he will become very useful to us against the Turks and the French.

Albertus Perk - Diary of 1813-1814 - Part 2

This translation of Albertus Perk's diary has been kindly provided by Bas de Groot, who has

translated and edited it from the original manuscript preserved with the Regionaal Archief Gooi en Vechtstreek (http://gooienvechthistorisch.nl/). To read Part 1, click here

Wednesday 1 December. All day long the situation was the same as yesterday. Around 8 o’clock at night some 80 Cossacks passed through here from Eemnes to Nieuwersluis. They told us they would be followed by infantry. Around 11.30 the guns of Naarden fired intensely.

Albertus Perk later in his life

Thursday 2 December. Today the Cossacks who had passed through here yesterday, returned again to Eemnes. In the afternoon we received reliable information that Muiden had been freed. Its garrison of 400 men has been taken prisoner, and the Russians and soldiers from Amsterdam are now approaching Naarden from that side. This sets our minds a little more at ease, and we have less fear for further attacks from Naarden. The Prince of Orange has arrived in The Hague.

Friday 3 December. During breakfast we noted that people were busy hanging out a large flag on the church tower. It took them until noon, but then it was flying creditably. In the meantime the church bell was tolling and every supporter of the Prince donned the orange and assembled on the Church square (Kerkbrink), and cheered the goings-on. At one o’clock the Maire, wearing the orange cockade, made a proclamation in the name of the provisional town council, encouraging everyone to wear orange decorations, but to remain calm. Deep into the night the citizens sang and danced by the roadside, but no property was damaged, nor people maltreated. In the evening we heard that the Prince had arrived in Amsterdam, and that he had been declared our Sovereign ruler. There is a steady correspondence with the commandant of Naarden, which increases our hopes of a peaceful capitulation. During the night a large body of Prussian cavalry moved through ‘s Graveland. A note by my uncle Krijn from Eemnes told us that nearly 1000 Cossacks had made camp there, and in the surrounding area even more.

Saturday 4 December. During this last week a lot more has happened than we had dared to hope eight days ago. All of it extra encouragement for us not to give up hope. The arrival of the Prince of Orange, the well-founded hope of help from England, the approach of Russian and Prussian troops, the retreat of the French from Utrecht, Loenen, Dordrecht, etc, are all circumstances which have changed the state of our fatherland for the better ever since Saturday last. Yet, although we are comforted by all of this, in reality the circumstances for our village, so close to Naarden, filled to the brim with plunder-minded French soldiers, haven’t improved very much. In fact, the tale of today will show that it has been one of the, if not the, most troubled day that we have been through during this time of revolution. Very early in the morning we noticed that all of our Cossacks had left. We grew a little concerned over this, but our steady hope of the arrival of other troops soothed our fears. Then, a little after noon, and well before any troops had arrived, a rumour reached us that Bussum was being plundered by the French again, and that this time they had a mind to come to Hilversum. Indeed, like the first time Bussum was plundered, some heads of cattle could be seen being driven away from that place. The Maire, myself and some others climbed the church tower, but could not discern the cattle. Two persons remained on the tower as watchmen, to ring the bell if necessary, and we descended again. When we arrived at the local courtroom, we found a large multitude gathered there, which confirmed the rumours, and also mentioned with great certainty in their voices that Eemnes was being plundered as well, and that there were no Cossacks in Laren. Immediately, the bell was rung and all citizens were called upon to arm themselves as best as they could and gather on the church square (Kerkbrink). Within minutes almost all of the Hilversum men returned to the Kerkbrink and the Groest, bringing rifles, pistols, swords, sabres, pikes, knifes attached to long poles, pitchforks, spades, axes, even clubs and cudgels. Around forty of the armed farmers were mounted on horses. A messenger was immediately despatched to Uitermeer, and two to Utrecht, all mounted, to ask for military aid. The rest of the riders were detached towards Bussum and the moors in order to be able to warn us of any events, whilst the men on foot remained gathered in the town to await further information and act accordingly. While this was going on, many of the women and children fled to surrounding villages, carrying baggage with them. More than 300 pieces of cattle were driven from the village as fast as they could walk. At the local courtroom people were busy making up and filling cartridges and checking the muskets, and everyone was ready to resist any French attempt on the village, but as we didn’t have enough weapons and were not very well-organised, one could easily imagine the outcome of any serious contest: we would lose the fight, and murder, plundering and devastation would become our share. And even if we were to succeed, it would still cost many civilian lives. No wonder, then, that we were indeed very anxious and scared, especially when the messenger who had been sent to Uitermeer returned with the news that the French advance guard was already at the farm of C. Van Ek, no more than a quarter of an hour’s walk (In Dutch, an hour’s walk equalled a distance of roughly 3 miles or 5 kilometres, BdG) from the town. Just now, when alarm and fear were spreading rapidly, the reassuring tiding came that it was just a false alarm. It turned out that the people in Bussum had seen some deserters from Naarden approaching, and, fearful of a French plundering expedition, had started driving away their cattle, which had started the rumour. The same deserters were then seen near the farm of Mr Van Ek. Upon confirmation of the true turn of events, all armed civilians on foot were temporarily dismissed, whilst the mounted men continued their patrols across the moors and towards the surrounding villages. Everyone regained their composure, and many of those who had fled now returned. A great number of people from Loosdrecht, armed and with their vicar at their head, had been marching to our aid, as rumours had spread, even as far as Utrecht, that Hilversum was being plundered, and its population murdered. They were thanked for their efforts and returned to their village. In the afternoon there was another rumour, this time that Eemnes was being plundered, but it turned out to be false, and was started because of the same deserters that had been wandering around our town that morning. Later that afternoon the deserters were arrested and brought in by our riders, six or seven of them. They were treated like spies. Amongst them was a deserted Spaniard from Naarden. Our riders continued their patrols throughout the day. Two pickets of Cossacks arrived to patrol as well, one of which was very unruly, but to our regret they left again. The messengers that we had sent to Utrecht returned with the promise that 100 Hussars would follow them shortly, but they never did, and as night fell we remained troubled and anxious, even though guard posts had been set up, and horses and riders were kept in readiness in Bussum to come and warn us should anything happen. Early in the morning, two of our Council members will go to Utrecht to ask for military troops to be stationed in our town. A few memorable moments of today were the following: when we thought danger was at its nearest this morning, Mr M. De L., who been called upon to arm himself, fell into a swoon from fear. The Roman Catholic Priest fled to Hoornbroek, but the new Receiver of Revenue armed himself with a pitchfork.

Sunday 5 December.   This morning at nine o’clock 4 Prussian Uhlans arrived here, to our great joy and relief. Surrounding villages also had cavalry quartered in them, so that we are now much more at our ease. In the afternoon the Church service was held. According to the Almanac and the French law, the coronation of the Emperor and the anniversary of the Battle of Austerlitz were to be celebrated today, but the vicar prayed that his power were to be crushed utterly. Everyone was wearing as many orange decorations as he or she could, and in the evening a number of songs, ridiculing and mocking the Emperor were sung along the streets. What a complete, never expected, speedy and joyous turn of events! How little should we trust the earthly powers that be, when one sees what events can take place in such a short amount of time, and that were held to be impossible!

Monday 6 December. Our Prussians, who conduct themselves admirably, much better than the Cossacks, are to remain with us. Today nothing much happened, apart from 80 Cossacks passing through here, coming from Baarn and going to Amsterdam. We heard that Gorinchem had been evacuated by the French, and their impotence is growing more and more visible. Many of our Dutchmen are acting in a noble manner, worthy of their heritage. It is only to be hoped that the martial spirit will continue to grow, so that everyone will show himself able and willing to defend and liberate the fatherland, even at the cost of his blood and his property.

Tuesday 7 December. At 10 o’clock in the morning I left Hilversum for Amsterdam. Just after I had left the alarm was sounded, and our Prussians marched towards Naarden, as tidings had reached them that the French were making a sortie. By the time our troops arrived, the French had already set a number of houses on fire (in order to clear their line of fire from Naarden, BdG), including the inn of Jan Tabak, and had retired towards the fortress. A few more Prussian cavalrymen arrived again today.

Wednesday 8 December. Around 8 o’clock at night I returned home with the trekschuit, without having seen or heard anything or particular interest. At Diemerbrug, Weesp, Uitermeer and Ankeveen, Cossacks were now stationed. Just before we arrived home, 1400 Prussian troops with 3 cannon had entered Hilversum. Major Pfuhl, who commanded them, was an excellent and friendly man, and he was lodged at our house.

Thursday 9 December. At eight o’clock in the morning all the Prussians here, cavalry, artillery and infantry, were ready to move out, and left in the direction of Naarden. Near Bussum the column halted, and fired their artillery a few times, but the envoy that was sent out to the town wasn’t allowed in. The troops then faced about and returned from whence they had come, and around noon they marched through our village, and straight on to Utrecht, only the cavalry remaining. Our Major told us that General Bulow at Utrecht had only sent this corps to see if the Commandant of Naarden, who was said to have once been a prisoner of the Russians, and hadn’t been exchanged properly, would have preferred to surrender to Prussian troops. It was also hoped that when a large number of troops were to be seen approaching Naarden, the Dutch and Germans of the garrison would start to desert, or even mutiny. But as this plan had failed, the Prussians had orders to rejoin their Corps, in order to penetrate deeper into Belgium and France proper. We were told that the Allies had crossed the Rhine at Mannheim, and that Bayonne had been taken by the British, which renewed our courage greatly.

Friday 10 December. Around two o’clock in the afternoon, nearly 1000 Cossacks entered the village, completely unexpected. They rested a while on the Groest (village square, BdG), but soon thereafter continued in the direction of Weesp. A little later 400 more arrived, and it looks like they are staying, although some people told us they were to continue northwards tomorrow. Right now they are lying down, sleeping around twenty large fires. All their horses are near them, tied to the trees around the square. We are constantly expecting infantry and artillery to lay siege to Naarden. It is not clear to us why there are so many Cossacks passing through here towards Weesp, as they can be of little use in a siege. It appears to us that they were at Gorinchem, but could do no more there, and so are being ordered around.

Saturday 11 December. Instead of leaving, the Cossacks are making every impression of staying longer. They requisitioned hay, oats, bread etc at ‘s Graveland and Loosdrecht, so that all of our carts and wagons had to ride to those places to receive the requisitioned goods. At nine o’clock in the morning we received the message that the French were coming out of Naarden. The Uhlans and around 100 Cossacks rode to Bussum. From our church tower we saw fires being started in two places, and heard musket fire throughout the afternoon. Around two o’clock in the afternoon the French withdrew, nine German and two Dutch Douanes who had deserted were brought in. They told us they thought the garrison to be 1200 men strong. By the evening, all our wagons and carts returned, heavily laden, and delivered all goods to the Cossack gentlemen. One of the cows that had come in was instantly slaughtered and divided. How many more Saturdays will pass like this before Naarden has surrendered, and we will be relieved from fear, and the care for so many? Then again: we have seen these last few days that in a week’s time a lot can happen, and so we remain hopeful and courageous.

Sunday 12 December. The Cossacks have remained , and all day it has stayed quiet. In the evening we got word that 600 Dutch troops had arrived at ‘s Graveland.

Monday 13 December. The Cossacks are still camping on the Groest, only a few have left. The people who live around the square are being constantly harassed and discomfited. Some have withdrawn into the smallest room in their house, leaving the rest of the house at the mercy of the Russians. Others are having to feed 20 to 30 Cossacks daily, and provide them with drink. They appear to be good and friendly people, they do not insult people, and do not hinder anyone within their own homes, but nevertheless their stay is becoming expensive and bothersome. It appears more Dutchmen will be arriving at ‘s Graveland to completely surround and cut off Naarden, and some have already marched for Crailoo (Crow’s Forest, an area of moors between Hilversum and Bussum, BdG) and Bussum. This evening a captured French Douanier from Naarden was brought in and taken to Weesp.

Tuesday 14 December. Early in the morning we heard cannon and musket fire from the direction of Naarden. At 11 o’clock I went with some others to the low hills that are situated towards Bussum. We approached Naarden to a distance of a quarter of an hour’s walk (In Dutch, an hour’s walk equalled a distance of roughly 3 miles or 5 kilometres, so Perk was around a kilometre away from Naarden, BdG), and could see the soldiers on the walls, busily firing in the direction of Muiden, Ankeveen and Crailoo. All the Dutch troops that were at ‘s Graveland have taken up positions towards Naarden, and are marching to and fro. Most of our Cossacks and Uhlans are at Bussum. Early in the morning, the Dutch troops have taken the redoubt at Karnemelksloot (Buttermilk Ditch, BdG). People are telling us that batteries and gun platforms are being erected, so that we are in high hopes of Naarden being assaulted soon.

Wednesday 15 December. There have been a few discharges of cannon and muskets, but otherwise nothing noteworthy happened today.

Thursday 16 December. At the break of dawn the Prussian Uhlans left for Utrecht. The Cossacks are still camped out here, but their numbers have diminished somewhat. Again there has been some fire of cannon and muskets, but otherwise nothing much happened today. It is said that Naarden will be laid under artillery fire tonight, but people do talk so much, and so much of it is mere rumour, that we can believe nothing, and must doubt everything we hear , no matter how certain the speaker is of what he says. If my memory serves me right, I will write down here a sample of all the rumours that I have heard today alone. Time alone will tell which of these rumours were actually true. It was stated and ascertained that: the battery at the Karnemelksloot was taken by Dutch troops, and that they had taken all 12 pieces of artillery that were in it; Ditto, only 6 pieces of artillery; Ditto and 3 pieces of artillery; Ditto and not a single piece of artillery taken; that the battery was left by the Dutch again yesterday, and was retaken by the French; that there is great lack of everything within Naarden; that the French in Naarden are well-provisioned; that everyone is free to leave Naarden if they wish, provided they don’t take anything outside of the fortress; that absolutely nobody is allowed to leave Naarden; that the Commandant and the garrison would be more than happy to surrender if their lives were to be spared; that they are not contemplating surrender at all; that this afternoon a skirmish had taken place at Bussum, and that 40 Dutch troops had been killed or wounded; that none had been killed and only two wounded; that 3 Dutch soldiers were taken captive by the French, and had been murdered; that the French had taken a Cossack captive two days ago; that two Cossacks were captured; that the captured Cossack was being treated very badly; that the captive Cossack had been set upon by the French like a pack of lions, and that they had torn him apart; that they had skinned him alive; that the Dutch had been disarmed and been put in the church as captives; that the General had resigned his command; that today horses had been pressed into service at Loosdrecht to transport cannon to Naarden; that howitzers and mortars had been placed at Crailoo near Naarden, according to some even as close as the long bridge of the outer fortifications; that Gorinchem was taken by assault last Monday at 3 o’clock; that Antwerp had switched sides; etcetera etcetera. So many old wives’ tales, the first even more officious than the next, all contradicting each other, make us wonder what to believe as truth. Everything that is happening around Naarden, even as much as an hour’s distance, we can only verify through the official newspapers, coming from Amsterdam, taking a detour of at least nine hours.

Friday 17 December. Nothing happened today. Apart from the fact that the Cossacks are still camping here and are costing us a lot of money, nothing is being done about Naarden. When that dreadful place will finally be taken care of, only Heaven knows, but at the moment nothing seems to be happening. The Amsterdam and Haarlem Courants (newspapers) may well state that 2000 Prussians with artillery have arrived, but as we haven’t seen a single one of them yet, they can’t be much help. The battery at Karnemelksloot was taken by the Dutch troops last Tuesday, but without any guns in it. In the evening they left it, but today they have again taken possession of it. At ‘s Graveland there are 20 Cossacks, 40 men of the Amsterdam Mounted Paid Guard (Bezoldigde Garde te Paard, this was a kind of mounted police that had been raised a few years earlier. It wore similar uniforms to the French Garde National and was paid for by the Amsterdam Municipal Council, BdG) and 100 newly enlisted troops. At the gun batteries in Bussum and at Crailoo there are 6 to 700 Dutch troops with 2 cannon, and at Laren and Huizen there are a few Cossacks. Yesterday 12 Dutchmen were injured.  

Saturday 18 December. Again nothing much happened today. The Cossacks had a big party and have been very merry and jolly all day. This last week, the number of troops surrounding Naarden has grown, and last Tuesday a true siege appeared to be starting, but since then so little has happened that it cannot be said that Naarden’s surrender seems anymore likely now than it did 8 days ago. How we wish things will be altered in another week’s time! The Commandant of Naarden is Quetard de la Porte. Towards Flanders, the Allies are advancing rapidly, and large parts of our country have been liberated, but to our regrets nothing has been heard so far about the advance of the main Allied army across the Rhine, or the arrival of Blucher and Bernadotte with their armies.

Sunday 19 December. It has been as quiet as the last few days today, with only four or five shots from the artillery. We have some hopes that the Cossacks will leave soon. A number of our men have been pressed to work on siege works close to Naarden.

Monday 20 December. Nothing to report. Again. The pressed men have thrown up three small fieldworks between the gate at Naarden and the inn of Jan Tabak. They weren’t allowed to speak or even cough, on pain of severe punishment. It is said that the Cossacks will leave tomorrow.

Tuesday 21 December.  Before non some shots had already been fired. At ‘s Graveland two barracks are being erected. At 9.30 in the morning, all citizens under 60 were requested to be present at the local court, armed. A large number of them did in fact appear, carrying weapons of all sorts. The officer of the Amsterdam Mounted Paid Guard, who were stationed at ‘s Graveland, had arrived in our town, and in a somewhat stunted speech tried to make clear to us that all our people able to bear arms were to be called upon to fight, together with all the other people of the Gooi region, and all the military troops stationed there, when the French were to make a sortie from Naarden. To this end, the Landstorm was to be organised. After this speech, everyone returned home. The old saying in these regions goes: If you cry often enough that Easter is near, it will eventually be. And this has now come to pass. To our great joy, it was an often repeated tale that the Cossacks would soon be leaving, especially when a number of them arrived from Weesp. As these men departed for Bussum i as soon as they’d arrived here, our hopes were dashed, but at one o’clock my brother-in-law Vlaanderen got an order that he was to deliver a man and a horse to the Groest square immediately. I received permission to be the man, and rode the horse to the Groest square as fast as I could, where I met Mr Sikkema, who was to be my travel companion, along with three farmers and their carts, and we received orders from the commander that we were to leave for Amersfoort. We assumed that we were to leave immediately, but no, instead of 1.30 in the afternoon it became 4.30 before we finally left, as a number of patrols still had to come in. After some dreadful boredom, we now had the pleasure of leaving the town at the head of 400 Cossacks, being waved goodbye by almost all inhabitants of the village. I hoped that Sikkema and I, the two guides, were to remain together, but just after we had left our town, I was ordered forward with some ten Cossacks to be the advance guard of the column, whilst my companion remained with the main part of the Regiment. This made me more than a little nervous. As soon as we had reached the Lage Vuursche, it began to become dark. I wasn’t sure about which road to follow, but I was sure that I was surrounded by a bunch of Cossacks who would more than likely maltreat me if I got lost, and who were very merry but also very unpredictable and slightly dangerous pranksters. One of them already seemed very interested in obtaining my horse, and was pointing at it and speaking to his friends about it. But as I could do little to change the state of things, I tried not to worry, and my worries were further lessened when the sergeant in command gave the most unruly trooper of the bunch a damn good thrashing, which I enjoyed immensely. When we rode into Soestdijk, the whole troop, including myself, was singing. Having arrived at Soestdijk, I tried my best to procure a new guide to take my place, but my efforts were in vain, and we had to move on. When next we arrived at Soest, I was very near to becoming lost in the darkness. We pressed to farmers to accompany us, and by their help and good fortune we stayed on the right road, and arrived at Amersfoort around seven o’clock in the evening. Here I waited for my companion to arrive with the rest of the Regiment. But still our wanderings weren’t over: we had to accompany the Cossacks to their camp outside the gates. Then, finally, we were given permission to leave, and we returned to Amersfoort. At the City Hall, I tried my best to get a ration ticket in order to eat and drink something, but to no avail. After having fed our horses, we got into the saddle again at 8.30 and arrived home around 11 at night, amidst our joyful family, who had no idea where I was at that time. There had been a new moon that night, but the weather had been favourable.

Wednesday 22 December. Early in the morning we heard gunfire. Around 10 o’clock J. van R., G. Van R., G.D. and I left to see what was going on. Near Trompenberg we heard gunfire so fast and vivid as we hadn’t heard before. At Bussum and Crailoo we saw herds of cattle being driven from the area. We moved on and arrived at the entrance of Bussum, where we found some infirm people and women hiding behind some stacks of wood. We wanted to enter the village, but as the villagers were being pressed to carry the wounded and injured to safety, we thought the better of it and skirted the village to the side of the hill where we had been last week. We listened to the gunfire for half an hour until it started to slacken, then decided it was safe to enter the village, and went tom eet Mr Hoogbruin there. He told us the French had been out in force and had marched on Bussum, but the Dutch troops and the Cossacks had made a stand at the Swan inn (‘t Zwaantje, BdG), and the French had been forced to retreat. Across from the baker’s shop three Dutchmen had been killed by grapeshot fired from the cannon on the walls of Naarden, just moments before we’d arrived. We saw them lying there, they had been hit in a nasty and ugly way. They were lying in pools of their own blood, and I picked up one of the grapeshot bullets that had hit them. Two Cossacks have been killed, as well as one of their horses, and a horse of the Amsterdam Mounted Paid Guard. There is talk of a number of injured and wounded. Three persons in Dutch service have defected to the French and have returned with them to Naarden. One dead Frenchman was found, but all of their wounded they have taken with them back to Naarden. At two o’clock in the afternoon we arrived back home and found around twenty Russian wagons, with accompanying Russian guards, who are to spend the night here.

Thursday 23 December. The Russian wagons have left for Amsterdam. In the afternoon some 20 Cossacks arrived here. The attack of the French on Breda, and their forces in Antwerp make us a little uneasy, and we are anxiously awaiting further news.

Friday 24 December. The annoying Cossacks have left again. A man from Hilversum named Dirk de Boer made his escape from Naarden yesterday. We visited him this morning to see if he had any further information. He was a labourer, and was forced to chop wood outside the fortress daily, accompanied by a guard. Yesterday he and a man from Laren escaped through the dense undergrowth. He estimated the garrison to be about 1000 men. The general had given over the command to somebody else. The French really did not like going out on sorties at all. Last Wednesday nine of them had been wounded, of which one had already died. Much was taken from the civilians, and only the soldiers had any alcoholic drink left. The meal and flour he estimated to run out in about five weeks. All of the meat that had been put in barrels for preservation was spoiled and rotten, but there were still 100 cows alive. There was almost no tobacco left, nor lamp oil, although salt was still in pretty good supply. Soap was being sold at (illegible) the pound, and many inhabitants and soldiers were crawling with vermin. Sides of bacon were being sold at 16 florins, and there was no vinegar to be had. Some horses in the city had been pressed into service to form a provisional cavalry unit. There were very few Dutchmen left in the ranks, but many Germans. In Hilversum, the decrees on the formation of the Landstorm and Landmilitie have been made known, and every Dutchman acknowledges the need and inevitability to serve his country.

Saturday 25 December. Christmas Day. Today 400 Cossacks passed through here, coming from Weesp, towards Amersfoort and on to Emmerik. Yesterday some cavalry and infantry reinforcements arrived at ‘s Graveland. A bridge has been laid across the Luie Gat ditch. It appears certain that a number of letters from the Commandant of Naarden have been received. Some officers have placed bets that Naarden will surrender before 2 March, others to the contrary. Only time will tell us. Some - and more than a few - pro-French persons in the area are gaining in courage. This goes to the extent that one of them thought, and said, that the Russian wagons that had passed through here couldn’t pass through the north of the country anymore. The reasons for their damned hope are the fact that the main Allied Armies are not advancing on Holland, the very few reports we are receiving on the progress of the great Allied army on the Rhine, the fact that the Cossacks are withdrawing to Amersfoort rather than march south, the attack of the French on Breda and their great force there, and the recent decree to call out the Landstorm, a desperate measure. This makes them long for those ‘sweet’ Frenchmen, who have always, but especially at their departure, shown that they really have our best interests at heart. Time, we pray, will shame them and their hopes. So many wonders, so many events in which nobody can deny the intervention of the Almighty, cannot have happened in vain. The Allies, who have fought with such determination and perseverance, will not crumble or weaken so easily, now that their continued attempts have met with such success. And the many peoples who have now been released from the French yoke will show that they will give everything to maintain and make complete their liberty. The watchword therefore is Courage, even if we cannot make everything into the way we would like, even when not all goes according to our wishes. 

Sunday 26 December. Nothing important happened today. French stockmarket papers are back at 100 percent. Some Roman Catholic misfits have had the audacity to go into a public house, tear some orange cockades from some hats and throw them into the fire. A Jansenite who was with them swallowed his cockade. Also, the orange flag has been taken from the Jansenite Church, and it was taken down from the Roman Catholic Church some days ago. And now we hear rumours That Austria has dropped out of the Coalition, and that 30.000 French troops have re-crossed the Rhine. Oh, the French weather is looking up!

Monday 27 December. In the afternoon we had a moment of joy. From here, we could see the Church tower of Naarden, and from what we could discern, we thought that the Dutch flag was flying from the tower, and so that the fortress had surrendered. The whole village was in an uproar, all coming out to see what was happening. I immediately rode to Bussum, but everything there was the same as last week, and we could now make out that it was the French flag that was flying over Naarden. Most likely they’re having a celebration of some kind. At Bussum I found my old school friend Blijenberg, who is a Lieutenant with the volunteers.

Tuesday 28 December. Nothing happened.

Wednesday 29 December. Ditto (nothing happened). In the evening we heard a strong gunfire in the distance. The news that Denmark has joined the Allies gives us much courage.

Thursday 30 December.  At seven o’clock in the morning I rode to Amsterdam. After some difficulty with the guards at the city gate I entered the city, and heard that the Hereditary Prince (of Orange, BdG) was expected there that day. I waited and saw His Majesty enter through the Kalverstraat. Shortly after, it became too dark to see anything properly. His Highness just returned from an inspection of the troops at ‘s Graveland and Bussum.

Friday 31 December. At half seven in the morning I saw the Hereditary Prince from up close, on the parade. At 2 o’clock in the afternoon I rode back home, arriving there around six in the afternoon, as the weather was very foggy and the road very slippery. On my way home I was asked for my pass by suspicious guards no less than six times! At Weesp there were 400 Amsterdam citizen militia, at Uitermeer and by the mill there 300 more, at Ankeveen there was a detachment of the Landstorm, and at ‘s Graveland and the other villages surrounding Naarden such as Huizen, Bussum etc around 1000 Dutch troops, now armed with 6 to 8 cannon and howitzers. Around 11 o’clock at night we heard a very loud crash and bang, as the Dutch troops blew up the Galgebrug (Gallow Bridge, BdG) near Naarden, along with its trestles. Over the last two days nothing much has happened at Hilversum itself, although an hour after the Prince had left Bussum after his inspection on Thursday, a shot from a Naarden howitzer damaged a house there.

Saturday 1 January 1814. This year opens with many happy prospects, but we have much left to wish for. May it please the Heaven to